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Fiona HillA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
While studying at Harvard, Hill noticed that Massachusetts recapitulated the divides she’d already noticed in northeast England and the USSR. Harvard’s wealthy, elite campus contrasted with Somerville, dubbed “Slummerville,” a factory town north of Cambridge that suffered from economic decline. Hill’s graduate studies coincided with the fall of the USSR, and though that collapse and its aftermath may seem to be specifically because of the failure of communism, Hill asserts that there are striking commonalities between the US, UK, and the USSR.
Postindustrial economic decay is a symptom of a broken system manipulated by the intra-elite. In Russia, postindustrial disparities were more immediately evident because industry there was widely dispersed. In contrast, in the UK and US, areas where industry was central suffered at the expense of those built around other kinds of commerce. While coastal US cities prospered following the end of the Cold War, the Midwest flailed economically, as cities and communities built on industry lost resources, infrastructure, and opportunities.
While Hill found the US much more forgiving of her accent than the UK, she was shocked to find that America wasn’t as egalitarian as she’d imagined it. The regional divides and gender discrimination mirrored those of England, but the extent of structural racism made the US a category onto itself. Race was a clear and immediate barrier for opportunity. While universities made gestures towards diversity, racial tensions were evident on campus and in the surrounding area.
Hill returns to her central thesis on how much chance and luck contribute to success. It turns out that her family had had the choice to move to either Bish or Pennsylvania. Later, while visiting a friend’s family in Durham, PA, Hill was amazed at the similarities between this postindustrial mining town and Carbon County, England.
While studying Russia during the collapse of the USSR was fascinating for Hill, she recognized her need to retool now that the landscape was dramatically shifting. She decided to enroll in a doctoral program at Harvard, which would give her “a ringside seat to observe and analyze one of the most consequential geopolitical shifts of the late 20th century and understand the socioeconomic divisions that would have serious political consequences in the subsequent decades” (116).
Economic shock therapy is a term that describes sudden widescale transformation. In the case of Russia, shock therapy was the sudden shift from a communist economy, in which the government had totalitarian control over goods and service production, to a capitalist market. The transition came without social support in the hopes that it could quickly snap Russia into fiscal shape and make the country a modern player on the world stage. As expected, this adversely affected many people in the short term; however, even worse, the consequences were long-lasting. Russians suffered health crises, turning to drugs and alcohol to cope—a parallel reaction to one Hill witnessed in her hometown in England. As Russia moved to privatize industry and commerce in an attempt to fix the corrupt centralized government, jobs were no longer predictably available throughout the country. Hubs of industry decayed, driving talent into the flourishing urban areas: London in the UK, the coasts in the US, and Moscow in Russia. This severely limited the social mobility of Russian citizens who owned homes elsewhere. Conversely, the Russian government launched initiatives to prevent millions of people from flooding Moscow wasn’t sustainable, but this only worked to a degree.
In academia, as elsewhere in society, women faced inherent challenges. Hill discusses the way women are judged by their appearance and grooming—unlike men, who get more leeway. To be taken seriously, Hill knew she needed top-notch formal clothing—something she couldn’t afford. Another mentor stepped in: Dorothy Zinberg, an important scholar at Harvard’s Kennedy School and the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, who understood all too well the difficulties of being a woman in academia. The suit Zinberg bought gave Hill the outward veneer she needed to continue her career in the United States. In Moscow, attitudes towards women were even more regressive: Women were expected to always look good and keep quiet. Hill recounts a 2011 meeting in Moscow when she was seated next to Putin. She couldn’t fathom why she’d have such a prominent seat, but was later told that it was strictly because of her appearance: She was just pretty enough to be a prop for Putin, decorative but not so beautiful she’d draw attention away from him.
Hill’s gender has often been a barrier within politics and in academia. One such challenge was unequal pay. While the UK passed laws to outlaw salary discrepancies, in the US, Hill had to fight to be paid the same as male colleagues. One key difference between the two countries is the strange taboo around discussing salaries in the US—something that contributes to unfair compensation. Another difference is that in the US, salary is often based not on qualifications, but on gender and race: When women ask for raises, they are denied with a sense that they should feel themselves lucky to have a job at all.
Despite being a top scholar in her field with a proven track record, Hill learned that male colleagues with identical or lesser experience were earning far more. When Hill changed jobs, her previous salary anchored her new salary offers; when she tried to talk around it as men did, it didn’t work. When she finally seemed to have landed a job that offered fairer compensation, department turnover led to a new offer for far less money, again citing her salary at her previous positions.
Hill asserts that Millennials are the unluckiest generation in American history; arguing that they are even worse off than the Silent Generation, the cohort that came of age during the Great Depression and WWII. While education was the key to Hill’s social advancement, it no longer functions this way for Millennials: A college degree has become a requirement for entry-level jobs that once didn’t require a degree. As more and more people compete for the same number of opportunities, the qualifications necessary to succeed multiply. The position Hill once held at Harvard now has increasingly competitive requirements.
Worse yet, it has become nearly impossible to work to pay for school—the costs have gone up so much that students and their parents take out exorbitant loans that they cannot pay off. Hill argues that the hyper-competitive job market and the shackle of debt are major contributors to the discontent with American systems that has led to the rise of populism in the United States.
Hill explores broader cultural, economic, and policy trends that led to the rise of populism in the US by pointing out striking similarities between her experiences in the US, the UK, and Russia. “In both Russia and the UK, the postindustrial collapse and the lack of opportunity was hollowing out the North and sending everyone in the direction of the capital city and its monopoly on opportunity and desirable housing” (123)—something that also happened to US coast cities. While the US focused on the battle between capitalism and communism and its perceived victory of the Cold War, many areas of the country languished. In addition to the economic decline of rural areas, the Midwest, and industrial cities, the United States set up systems that prevent upward mobility. The same institutions that allowed Hill to transcend her background and upbringing now hamper the social mobility of Millennials, for whom higher education results in the trap of ruinous debt, while competition for jobs grows tougher. Hill argues that the American dream, as well as the certainty that a child would have a better life than their parents that marked most of the 20th century, has largely ended. As a result, disenfranchisement with the political, social, and economic structures of the country made many Americans turn to populism.
Hill traces similar trajectories between the US and Russia. When economic shock therapy plunged many Russians into instability and financial freefall, they turned to Putin, a leader who promised them a vision of a unified, strong country once more. In the US, the same kind of resentment and fear instead led to the rise of Trump, who widened already existing class and racial tensions to create a base of supporters to whom he promised to blow up existing systems to create something better.
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