48 pages • 1 hour read
Judith Rich HarrisA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
People across cultures and time periods have had superstitions about pregnant women influencing their unborn children, and developed rules and taboos around parenting to ensure these children would thrive. Harris asserts modern people have their own share of superstitions, which she aims to debunk: She refutes the “Hand-me-down” idea that children copy their parents’ habits, again arguing that any similarities are likely to be genetic. She argues “Heredity is one of the reasons that parents with problems often have children with problems. It is a simple, obvious, undeniable fact; and yet it is the most ignored fact in all of psychology” (277). With this in mind, Harris considers evidence of children’s likelihood to become criminals and concludes the most important factor is one’s childhood neighborhood. She argues common traits in criminals—such as a desire for excitement, lack of empathy, and lower IQ—are largely genetic, making the role of parenting in producing criminals overstated. She addresses the common belief that fatherless children tend to fare worse as adults, arguing that such data is merely correlational. Fatherless children tend to live in impoverished neighborhoods, and experience other factors which lead to higher rates of school dropouts, teen mothers, and criminals. Harris cites evidence which shows children raised by single mothers in middle-class neighborhoods do not fare worse than children with two parents. Meanwhile, having two parents does not protect children from the damaging effects of growing up impoverished.
Next, Harris examines how divorce affects children. Compared to other children, children of divorce are more likely to be emotionally troubled; they are also more likely to get divorced themselves. Again, Harris insists this correlation could be due to genetic similarities: “The links between divorce, personality problems in the parents, and troublesome behavior in the children are complex […] People with personality problems are difficult to live with so they’re more likely to get divorced” (291). Harris argues divorce is not detrimental to children because it changes their parents’ parenting, but because it is likely to change their friendships and financial status through moving to a new home. While divorce itself may disturb children in the short term, she believes it likely won’t translate into long-term changes in personality. However, moving too frequently can damage children in the long term, as it disrupts their current friendships and ability to form future friendships. Returning to the subject of criminality, Harris argues not enough objective studies have been performed to explain why some children gravitate to delinquent peer groups in search of friendship. For example, one study correlated parents’ positive relationships with their teen children and these teens’ civility. To Harris, studies that consider hereditary traits, such as caution or impulse, are more reliable. These studies reveal teens often display the same traits they did as toddlers, and can thus predict future behavior.
Next, Harris examines the role of physical punishment in parenting. She does not condone physical abuse of children, but believes punishments like spanking are normalized around the world. Thus, she questions research that links spanking to heightened aggression in children. Still, Harris acknowledges cruel or unjust physical punishment can damage parent-child relationships and leave children with lasting physical or emotional issues. She considers peer abuse equally damaging, and possibly more commonplace, than parental abuse. Peer abuse can cause children to become physically and psychologically ill, and affect their ability to engage in schoolwork. Outside of education, Harris examines why “pop psychology” frames parenting decisions as “blamable” for adults’ emotional issues. While many therapists are quick to blame their patients’ parents, she again mentions how heredity and peer-related issues, as well as mood, impact how one remembers the past.
Harris argues that because child-parent relationships are based in the home, parental lessons in home life are more likely to cultivate lasting behavior in children—since this behavior will not be resocialized by peers. These lessons might include religious, political, musical, or domestic instruction. Harris believes most families don’t function as “groups,” but a collection of individuals who attend their own needs and fit different roles in a family. As such, it is rare for parents to be group “leaders,” but it can happen when they are determined to raise their children a certain way. For example, a father named Donald Thornton encouraged his five daughters to become doctors in spite of their impoverished upbringing, and they ultimately found success in various careers. Furthermore, parents can shape their child’s life by considering who to allow in their peer group: Parents often have complete control over their children’s friends, but this input wanes as a child ages. Harris recommends that parents pay attention to their children’s friends and encourage positive relationships. If their child is being bullied or negatively influenced, parents might consider moving schools or homeschooling, as long as the child can still socialize with peers.
While parental love is important, Harris argues parents cannot raise their children’s self-esteem through praise alone, and that high self-esteem does not always lead to happiness. As for low self-esteem, it often causes lasting changes in personality—which Harris argues are often linked to low status among peers. As such, parents are encouraged to raise their child’s status through presentation (a “normal” name, fashion, etc.). Overall, she advises parents to trust their instincts: They should not be afraid to be authority figures or worry about providing stimulation for infants and children, who are already wired for learning.
Harris interrogates the titular nurture assumption, claiming it has caused parents unnecessary guilt for their children’s failings. Experts who believe the nurture assumption often advise gentle, affectionate parenting, quality time, and praise. To Harris, this has created “phoniness” in family life—which makes “sincere expressions of love meaningless” (332)—and led to poor research. She reiterates siblings raised in the same home are not more alike than children raised in different homes, as children are born with innate differences outside of parental influence. Moreover, studies have shown that birth order does not reliably predict people’s personalities. Harris then lists five flaws with the nurture assumption: Firstly, the nuclear family is an anthropological exception rather than a norm; secondly, children learn to socialize from peers rather than adults; thirdly, children’s behavior is different in different contexts rather than the same; fourthly, genetics play more of a role in children’s development than parents’ decisions; and fifthly, the nurture assumption often ignores the fact that humans’ evolutionary history required them to form groups and regard others as competition.
Harris then restates the main points of her group socialization theory: Socialization encourages children to adopt the norms and values of their peer group. Children are wired to engage with and conform to other children. Historically, most children were socialized in mixed-age and mixed-sex groups; in contemporary America, schools often opt for same-age groups and sometimes groups of the same sex. Children are influenced by peers, and if their peers’ language differs from their home language, children will adopt a second language. Harris boldly claims that a group of children would develop the same way if nothing but their parents changed. She claims one reason why people find the nurture assumption compelling is that people are better able to remember close relationships than largely subconscious processes such as adopting language through socialization. People’s lifelong connection to their parents also encourages them to reflect on their relationship, whereas it’s less likely to stay in touch with childhood friends and classmates. Harris feels this bias is what overemphasizes the role of parenting in child development, and urges the reader to not blame their parents for their troubles.
In this section, Harris interrogates the titular nurture assumption. She dissects studies which assume parent-child similarities are due to parenting choices, when they could be due to shared genes: “Some people are more hot-tempered or outgoing or meticulous than others, and these variations are a function of the genes they were born with as well as the experiences they had after they were born” (276). To further this point, Harris claims that when adult criminals produce children who also become criminals, it is due to both genetics and one’s childhood neighborhood (i.e., one’s environment, financial status, and peers): “a tendency to be active, impulsive, aggressive […] to get bored with routine activities […] to be unafraid of getting hurt […] All of these characteristics have a significant genetic component” (278). Like Harris’s earlier discussion of “authoritarian” parenting (Chapter 3) and IQ (Chapter 11), this talk of criminality is often linked to race—but she takes care to contextualize. To her, any link between criminality and any one group (racial or otherwise) is grounded in inherited and learned behavior more so than a reflection of an entire group. While individuals and individual groups can act in ways that reflect a certain group mentality, each case is different and should be treated as such. Overall, Harris’s elevation of nature over nurture can lead to dangerous assumptions about innate good or evil, but ultimately lauds agency. She sympathizes with parents and wishes for them and their children to accept responsibility for their own actions.
Harris cites a study on 1,500 pairs of twins, which demonstrates children of divorced parents have a slightly higher rate of divorce compared to twins whose parents stayed married. She argues these divorces reveal the power of genetic and environmental influence, but not parenting. Her multifaceted approach to genetics and personality traits balances socialization researchers’ emphasis on learned behavior. Harris claims experts and non-experts expect parenting to change children’s behavior in a predictable way, and this bias informs how they interpret study results (through correlational reports). For example, some studies link spanking to increased aggression in children. Instead of stating this as a correlation, researchers claimed parents’ spanking made their children more aggressive. Harris says other studies showed a negative correlation, and then critiques another common form of study: self-reporting questionnaires. Some researchers ask teens to self-report on topics such as academic success and drug use, but when parents are consulted, their answers tend to differ. Due to people’s differences in perception, this method casts doubt on studies which try to connect parenting practices and children’s lives—framing the nurture assumption as a product of faulty science.
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