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Eric WeinerA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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Weiner arrives in Iceland, which often ranks at or near the top of happiness surveys. A local says that the sun won’t rise that day, so Weiner sleeps all day.
Veenhofen’s database says that colder countries are happier. Weiner argues that the cold may require people to band together, thereby producing happiness. However, Magnus, an Icelander Weiner met in Miami Beach, joked that Icelanders drink because the small population gets bored of seeing each other.
Veenhofen drinks to relax, which corresponds with what people say about Icelanders: They drink heavily on weekends, but do not drink during the week. At a Reykjavik bar, Weiner notices that drinks are expensive, but has a great conversation with a group of drunk, happy women. The next morning, Weiner eats breakfast at his hotel, noting that food is also expensive in Iceland.
Seasonal Affective Disorder (SAD), common in the United States, is not as much of an issue in Iceland. Scientists guess that Icelanders may have developed a genetic resistance.
Iceland is a small country, and the population is related genetically. This may explain why Icelanders pursue community-beneficial economic policies such as low unemployment: Policies like these are actually aiding their relatives. As a side effect, these kinds of political aims also increase happiness.
Though Icelanders prefer not to eat things that seem ugly to them like lobsters and cod, they eat food and consume drinks that taste unappealing to many others’ palettes, such as harkarl (shark), and svarti dauoi, or “black death,” or unsweetened schnapps.
Though the flimsy buildings and imposing backdrop make Reykjavik seem temporary to Weiner, he likes Iceland. Numerous art galleries and music stores and cafes dot the area, which Weiner argues produce happiness. Iceland may have more art than other countries due to the cold.
Icelanders are proud of their language, which they say is the same as Vikings spoke. Instead of borrowing foreign words, as other languages do, Icelandic adds new words, such as sjonvarp, for television. Scientists say that the parts of the brain for language are more recent, as are the parts that register happiness. Icelandic has numerous positive phrases, and Icelandic literary tradition includes the work of a Viking, Egill Skallagrimsson, whose poetry describes violence and war. Weiner argues that aggressive language may reduce sadness.
Weiner argues that Iceland’s many earthquakes and volcanoes may also make people happier.
Reykjavik, Weiner contends, may be having a golden age. Not only does Iceland has a thriving art scene, it is also on the forefront of fashion. Weiner meets Larus Johannesson, owner of a music store and recording label. A generalist, Johannesson attributes his happiness to his numerous careers. He also points out that Icelanders do not have much envy and admire failure. This squares with the work of psychologists including Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi and Martin Seligman, who argue that people find happiness in the skills and experiences they think they have, not that they actually have. As such, failure can lead to better results without undue harm.
When he was 26, Weiner he wanted to write for The New York Times despite not having experience. After tough interviews, he got hired and even got a piece published on the front page. However, after a probationary period, the Times dropped Weiner for being naïve. By contrast, Johannesson describes Icelandic artists as naïve in a positive sense. For example, Johannesson describes Icelandic folk stories, which feature supernatural elements like ghosts and elves. Some Icelanders actually believe in ghosts, which reminds Weiner of a comparable story in India.
Johannesson then recommends that Weiner interviews Hilmar, a Heathen. Though Iceland officially converted to Christianity from paganism in the year 1000 AD, there is still a pagan community in the country. Hilmar, a film score composer, leads the Icelandic Heathens. In the 1970s, Hilmar encountered the work of mythologist Joseph Campbell, which pushed Hilmar to study the Eddas, a series of ancient anonymous Icelandic poems. Hilmar and likeminded peers restored paganism in the country. Weiner and Hilmar look at a translation of the Eddas, which describe old Icelandic traditions. Too much understanding, Weiner contends, can make one less happy.
At a cafe, Weiner meets Jared Bibler, an American who stopped in Iceland on a whim but liked it so much more than the rest of Europe that he now lives here, has a job, and speaks the language. Social science calls this kind of sudden liking of a place “cultural fit.” Individualistic people fit better in individualistic societies like the United States. Collectivist people fit better in collectivist societies like Japan: “In other words, those with a good cultural fit were happier than those without” (179). Like Bibler, Weiner also feels more comfortable in Iceland.
Social science shows how happiness and sadness are different in type. Weiner writes that “here in Iceland, it seems, it is even possible to be happy and sad at the same time” (181). Before departing Iceland, Weiner goes to a bar and drinks and talks. Happiness comes from the means of achieving it. It is a choice. In the morning, he leaves.
After visiting happy places, Weiner sets off to an unhappy place: Moldova. The former Soviet republic ranks last in the Veenhofen database of happy places. Weiner lands in Chisinau, the capital. In the airport, the people do not seem particularly unhappy.
Weiner meets Natasha, a Moldovan whose grandmother Luba has an apartment where he can stay. Luba does not speak much English and mostly spends her time watching Russian soap operas.
On a walk, Weiner notes the scowl and shuffle of residents. After the Soviet Union collapsed, Moldova lacked the national or cultural unity of other former republics.
In the streets, Weiner sees misery, which may be due to confirmation bias:
A blind man with sunglasses and cane, like some caricature of a blind man, hobbling down the street. An old woman hunched over so far that her torso is nearly parallel to the ground. I hear someone sobbing behind me, and turn to see a middle-aged woman with dark hair, her eyes red from crying (190).
Weiner stops at a cafe, where people drink beer and smoke in the morning. After the Soviet collapse, Moldova received funding, but the country did poorly. The famous Russian author Alexander Pushkin hated the time he spent in exile in Moldova.
Returning to Luba’s apartment, the bus breaks down. Locals leave the bus without complaining. Weiner references research by Martin Seligman on learned helplessness—the mental process of giving up trying after too much failure and lack of support. Weiner wonders whether this is what has happened to Moldovans: “Have they been beaten down—shocked—so many times that they’ve simply stopped trying? Is this a nation of the learned helpless?” (193).
Natasha and other women wear short skirts and heavy makeup. She says that they are unhappy specifically because of insufficient money. This is a common refrain that comes with a lot of hardship: “Per capita income is only $880 per year. [Moldovans] need to travel abroad to make money. Some Moldovan women are tricked into working as prostitutes. A few Moldovans even sell one of their kidneys for cash” (193). For Weiner, however, the problem isn’t really poverty—there are poorer but happier countries—instead, Moldova’s problem is that it compares itself to wealthy European countries.
Weiner buys a bottle of Moldovan wine, of which the country is proud, but calls it terrible. Weiner telephones Vitalie, a blogger. They meet at a Moldovan restaurant, where Weiner finds the food disgusting.
Vitalie complains about lack of customer service, lack of Moldovan culture, and general lack of trust. Moldova has been invaded numerous times, which makes it hard for a cohesive culture to form. On the positive side, Vitalie likes the toughness of the people, and the freshness of the produce. Vitalie also ascribes Moldovan unhappiness to Transnistria, a breakaway republic, and on the chaos that followed the breakup of the Soviet Union. However, political scientists note that people in democratic countries are not necessarily happier than under dictatorships. Happy people may produce democracies, instead of democracy producing happiness. Trust is required for democracy.
Weiner meets Marisha, who works for the company that arranges visits such as his stay at Luba’s. Marisha once ran a website for foreign men to meet Moldovan women, but too many of the women were scammers. Marisha says that Moldovans seek happiness in money, which paradoxically produces unhappiness. As Weiner and Marisha visit a museum, she explains the sexy skirts as women competing for Moldovan men. Weiner mentions Moldovan phrases that represent the country, such as “Not my problem.” Moldovans have much envy, producing unhappiness.
Psychologists in Japan find that simply counting the number of altruistic acts one performs increases happiness. Neuroscientists find that the part of the brain for altruism is as old as old as the part of the brain that harbors the desire for food and sex.
In a crowded van Weiner leaves Chisinau for the southern town of Cahul. In Cahul, he meets members of the US Peace Corps, who complain about the local culture. Instead of making Moldovans happier, being in Modova has made the Peace Corps volunteers unhappier, though they do say positive things about the produce. A Peace Corps volunteer named Joanna argues that Moldovans are unhappy because they lack power. Because she feels like she is doing something positive in Moldova, she is happier there than in New York. American researchers find that altruism makes one happier than higher-paying jobs.
On the bus back to Chisinau, a man helps an old woman board, Weiner’s first observation of altruism in the country. Because it was the wrong bus, the other riders, including the helper, jeer her.
Back in Chisinau Weiner meets Sandru, a Moldovan nationalist, who is angry at the lack of national identity.
Marisha translates so that Weiner can interview Luba. Luba was born in Russia and lived in Kazakhstan before coming to Moldova. After the Soviet Union collapsed, her husband died and her children moved far away. Luba lost material comfort when the Soviet Union fell. However, the loss of connections with coworkers and family may make her unhappier: “We need a solid identity—ethnic, national, linguistic, culinary, whatever—in order to feel good about ourselves” (215).
Luba depends on a pension, but does not complain about money. Weiner gifts her $100, more than twice her monthly pension. Without telling her, he also puts $100 in her dictionary, on the page harboring the definition for the word “happiness.”
At the airport, Weiner reflects that other people’s problems are also one’s own: Other people affect one’s happiness, so even though poverty itself is not the problem, everyone’s reaction to poverty is.
Weiner visits a sexy bar in Thailand where foreign men pay to watch resident women. Thai permissiveness is less deliberate than Dutch permissiveness and has a potentially harmful power imbalance, as foreign “sexpats” look for sexual pleasure from locals. An American resident, Scott, is dating a Thai woman, a former dancer, because she has a beautiful smile. In Thailand, different types of smiles have names.
In Thailand, like in Inuit culture, excessive thinking is discouraged. The Thais have a saying, mai pen lai (“never mind”), which encourages forgetting about problems instead of sulking. Weiner writes:
When you get down to it, there are basically three, and only three, ways to make yourself happier. You can increase the amount of positive affect (good feelings). You can decrease the amount of negative affect (bad feelings). Or you can change the subject (225).
However, studies of people listening to music find that thinking reduces pleasure.
Denis, an American journalist in Bangkok, complains about the country. In general, Denis approves of mai pen lai; he also likes jai yen (“cool heart”), or the concept of not getting angry. Kunip, a Thai school principal, describes jai yen with a story. When a neighbor’s banana tree grew over onto Kunip’s property, instead of getting angry, Kunip simply broke off a leaf so that the neighbor’s gardener soon trimmed the tree. Still, despite not having an angry culture, Thailand has a high murder rate and a violent national sport (muay Thai).
Sumet Jumsai, a Thai architect, says that Thais have fun even at work, more so than Americans. At a United Nations building, Weiner meets Sureerat. She says that Thais are happy because they do not take things seriously. By contrast, Americans work seriously and pay people to do even more work. In Thailand, people make jokes in meetings, and about friends.
Weiner argues that Thais are more accepting of problems than Americans, which he thinks is reflected in the acceptance of superstition and the supernatural. Weiner describes a shrine set among shopping malls; later, in Chinatown, he sees spirit houses protecting against evil in front of buildings. With Scott, Weiner visits a fortune teller who reads Weiner’s past and future from a deck of cards. While Scott is skeptical, Weiner argues that Thais may not feel in control of their destinies.
At Scott’s apartment, his partner, Noi, watches TV as a coup is beginning in Thailand. Weiner is shocked: “Coups don’t really fit into my search for the world’s happiest places, and this is just the sort of unhappiness I’ve been trying hard to avoid” (241).
The airport remains in operation during the coup. After flying back to Miami, Weiner reads that the post-coup prime minister, Surayud Chulanont, promises to focus on increasing happiness instead of the improving economy: “It is largely a public relations ploy, but, still, a military government with a happiness policy!” (241).
These chapters compare the emotional and philosophic cultures of three different countries where life is differently hard. Iceland has a climate that is very hard to live in, Moldova is a poor country in the middle of a more prosperous Europe, while Thailand has an unstable government.
Though notoriously cold and dark, Iceland scores high on happiness surveys. Despite the unpleasant environment, the small population finds happiness. They’ve made peace with what is possible in the country: art and design, which thrive no matter the season. The country’s culture also promotes happiness. Because Iceland’s population is small and homogenous, it is easy to make public policy that promotes social wellbeing—people feel like they are voting to make lives better for their relatives. Also key is the Icelandic attitude to failure. People in the country can fail without worry—failure is not looked on as something catastrophic, since there is a lot of trust and an absence of envy in the population.
Moldova is the polar opposite of Iceland in many ways. In Moldova, there is no cohesive common culture. Instead, as a result of Moldova’s history as an often invaded country and its bad economic position after the fall of the Soviet Union, people lack trust, and are focused on helping themselves and not others. Instead of being proud of their language and culture, as are Icelandic people, Moldovans fight. This produces unhappiness and a mean and deceitful society. Many Moldovans blame their unhappiness on lack of money. However, some people in Moldova and elsewhere are happy without much money. The Moldovans seem negative, lacking hope. This “learned helplessness” shows in their inaction: Hope makes people more positive and happier.
In Thailand, though people also feel like they have little power over their everyday lives, the national character has adapted differently to this psychological obstacle. Superstition and belief in the supernatural gives people hope that there are powers interceding on their behalf, and an ancient artistic culture unites residents. At the same time, people dispel the potentially depressing thought that they have little influence over what happens by encouraging a less serious approach towards day-to-day life, discouraging excessive morose thinking, and promoting the concept of letting hurt feelings go rather than dwelling on them.