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Carol F. KarlsenA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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While many accused of witchcraft in 17th-century New England fit the demographic patterns outlined in Chapters 1-3, there were also outliers. In Chapter 4, Karlsen sets out to define larger patterns of social relations in the system of Puritan society to gain a further understanding of what led to accusations. Specifically, Karlsen homes in on character traits of the witches that caused their communities to marginalize and target them.
Describing the witches’ relations to their communities, Karlsen states:
The social process that transformed women into witches in New England required a convergence of belief on the part of both the townspeople and the religious and secular authorities that these women posed serious threats to society. (119)
This, in turn, means that any act that strayed from acceptable social behavior attracted witchcraft accusations. Two of the most dangerous transgressions that Puritan women could make were challenges to God and challenges to gender norms. Those labeled as witches often did both. Indeed, transgressions against God and gender norms were often intertwined in Puritan society. Karlsen identifies three ranges of sins that led to witchcraft accusations: religious sins against God, social and religious sins against neighbors, and sexual sins against nature.
A sin against God was witchcraft in its most basic and essential form. Any challenges to Puritan doctrine and religious authorities were seen as a sign of allegiance with the Devil. Women who were discontented with their domestic responsibilities committed both social and religious sins. Not only were they challenging gender norms and expectations of women, but they were also living above their station according to the word of God. Any woman who expressed frustrations, exhaustion, or anger could thus be labeled a witch.
Expressions of female sexuality were also witch-like behaviors. Witches were seen as seductresses. Sexual transgressions made by women not only violated religious doctrine but also broke social norms, especially when children were born out of wedlock. Even accused women themselves believed their sexual transgressions were Devilish, identifying female sexual agency as an especially acute Puritan sin. For example, when Margaret Lakes was about to be executed for witchcraft, she “fully justified God for bringing her out as a witch” because she believed her sexual activity had been sinful (141).
Karlsen concludes that these ranges of sin can be summarized as two essential sins: lying and pride. Both were completely unacceptable for Puritan women to engage with, thus leading to witchcraft accusations.
Karlsen opens Chapter 5 by reflecting on the nature of the history of witchcraft. She defines it as a difficult topic to research because of its implicit nature. Rarely are historians of witchcraft ever given explicit explanations for peoples’ behaviors—that of both accused and accusers—meaning that the historians’ job then becomes interpretive. The history of witchcraft is a history of patterns, where conclusions are reached by sifting through data and documents to identify recurring themes amongst the witches’ lives.
Karlsen argues that New England cultural understandings of witchcraft can be traced back to European beliefs. Karlsen identifies two texts—the German Malleus Maleficium (1486) and the Spanish Tratado de las Supersticiones y Hechicherias (1529)—that were formative works in defining cultural ideologies towards witches. Both texts argued that women were far more likely to be witches than men, identifying female anger and sexuality as doorways to the Devil. Karlsen then devotes time to explaining the interesting tension that exists between such texts and Puritan thought. Puritan attitudes towards witches can be traced back to old European attitudes, but it is also important to note that Puritans prided themselves in their unique religious ideology that departed from European tradition. This break from tradition was why the Puritans left for New England in the first place.
Interestingly, gender was one of the most prominent ideological differences between European churches and the Puritans. Whereas European clergy believed women as inherently evil, Puritans saw women as close to God; according to Puritan minister John Cotton, “women were not a ‘necessary evil’ but a ‘necessary good’” (161). While Puritans fought for women to be more respected, they still believed in strict social stratification in which women had specific, pre-ordained roles. Women were Godly when they fulfilled these roles of wife and mother. Puritans were continuously anxious of female insubordination and challenges to authority as a result.
In reflecting on this history, Karlsen classifies Puritan society as one that had tensions and ambivalences towards women built into its foundations. These ambivalences, in which women were both defended as Godly yet feared as being prone to Devilish behavior, created social atmospheres and cultural codes that help explain the wave of witchcraft accusations that occurred in 17th-century New England.
With previous chapters having established a demographic understanding of the witch, Chapters 4 and 5 conduct deeper social analyses of Puritan New England and the communal, religious, and gender conditions that produced them. This section of Karlsen’s book situates the figure of the witch within her larger community and sets out to answer such questions as: What was the relationship to the witch to her neighbors? What about the accused set them apart from their surrounding community?
To answer these questions, Chapters 4 and 5 dive deep into historical and anthropological approaches to the topic of 17th-century New England. Karlsen departs from the data analysis that characterized previous chapters and focuses on subjective texts from prominent figures of the time, such as Cotton Mather, to explain the cultural frameworks that gave birth to the witch. In Chapters 4 and 5, Karlsen addresses the difficulties surrounding the history of witchcraft in New England and faces them head on. She thus frames The Devil in the Shape of a Woman as a body of research that was crafted to shed light on areas of this history that have been left dark because of the social, religious, and gendered complexities of Puritan New England.
According to Karlsen, one of the foremost difficulties for historians approaching New England witchcraft is the overwhelming lack of explanation for beliefs in witches, accusations, and forces that drove the trials. Often, reading sources produced in 17th-century New England raise more questions than they answer for researchers. Karlsen defines this dynamic as an issue of the “explicit” versus the “implicit”—that is, what goes said versus unsaid in the sources from 17th-century New England. To explain the phenomenon of the lack of explicit information given in primary sources from 17th-century New England, Karlsen turns to anthropologist Mary Douglas. Douglas states that human societies absorb certain beliefs that are viewed as self-evident facts. Instead of then explicitly stating such obvious facts, these belief systems are expressed implicitly through cultural practices. Karlsen then argues that “in colonial New England, the many connections between ‘women’ and ‘witchcraft’ were implicitly understood” because such beliefs had been carried over from European culture (154). European society had many explicit debates over the sinfulness and Devilish nature of women in the 14th-17th centuries. By the time the Puritans reached American shores, these “once-explicit assumptions about why witches were women were already self-evident” (154).
Karlsen’s anthropological reading of 17th-century New England explains why gender was so often left out of primary sources from this time, and this explains why gender has been left out of modern historians’ accounts of the witchcraft trials. The dynamic between explicit and implicit has been neglected by past witchcraft historians. With her book, Karlsen acknowledges, explains, and responds to this research gap. In quoting Douglas, Karlsen not only supports her own research and proves why it is vital, but also emphasizes to readers precisely how helpful multi-disciplinary methodologies can be. Whereas other historians might have been stumped by aspects of Puritan culture and the primary sources that came out of Puritan New England, Karlsen is able to produce different readings of this history and its sources—as well as offer critiques of previous historical research—because of her method incorporating anthropological sources such as Mary Douglas.
One fruitful example of Karlsen incorporating this anthropological lens onto her historical research is in her analysis of Cotton Mather’s writings. Cotton Mather, a Puritan clergyman, was a prominent figure of 17th-century New England and one of the major vehicles of advancing Puritan thought and ideology beyond that which the colonists left behind in England. Karlsen analyzes his writings in both Chapters 4 and 5 to interrogate the interrelationship between gender and religion in 17th-century New England. She also incorporates Douglas’ ideas of implicit knowledge in society into her reading of Mather to explain how his writing reflect the unsaid ideologies of Puritan New England that have hitherto gone ignored. For instance, in her closing pages of Chapter 5, Karlsen concludes her analysis of Puritan society’s ideological tensions towards women by reflecting on two of Mather’s texts. While Mather’s 1692 treatise, Ornaments for the Daughters of Zion, argued “to advocate virtue”(179) among Biblical women, his other publication of that year argued the opposite. His text Wonders of the Invisible World justified the executions of the Salem witch trials because the accused women were in league with the Devil. Karlsen explains this ideological tension present in Mather’s writings through Douglas’ concept of universal, unsaid truths in certain societies. Karlsen argues:
Though Mather’s witchcraft book does not explicitly address the reason why most of his subjects are women, his witches […] stood in direct contrast to the embodiments of female good in Ornaments, all of whom fully accepted the place God had chosen for them and regarded a willing and joyous submission to his will. (179-80)
While those reading Mather’s texts from a contemporary perspective may view his writings as contradictory, Karlsen insists that this is not accidental. Rather, Mather’s views follow a particular ideological trajectory.
Historically, Puritan attitudes towards women grew out of and responded to those formed in England and the rest of Europe. Because links between women and the Devil were widely believed in Europe, those like Mather did not bother to mention them explicitly because they were a given. Karlsen interprets Mather’s work as building off these unsaid truths that existed in Europe and reorienting them to fit the Puritan ideology, which made room for women in ways that old European Protestant ideologies did not.
Women occupied complex, fraught spaces in Puritan society that were more progressive than those in Europe yet still stringent. Women could be Godly but could also be Devilish. For Mather—and the Puritan society that he shaped—those women who were accused were justifiably executed as witches because they were not the submissive women celebrated in Ornaments for the Daughters of Zion. Karlsen’s anthropologically informed reading of primary sources such as Mather’s writing thus enlightens how witchcraft accusations were used to shape and influence not only behaviors of Puritan women, but the larger cultural attitudes towards women. In this way, Chapters 4 and 5 are crucial components in Karlsen’s entire thesis arguing for the necessity of reading 17th-century New England witch trials through a gendered lens and recognizing the epoch’s importance to American women’s history.