logo

55 pages 1 hour read

Edward Gibbon

The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire

Nonfiction | Book | Adult

A modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.

Chapters 1-2Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 1 Summary

Gibbon begins The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire with a picture of the Roman Empire at its apparent height. He describes the second century CE of the Roman Empire as a golden age. At that time, the Roman Empire included “the most civilized portion of mankind,” whose “peaceful inhabitants enjoyed and abused the advantages of wealth and luxury” (1). As Gibbon explains, by the second century the Roman Empire had reached its greatest extent, failing only to expand into Ethiopia, the Arabian Peninsula, Ireland, and modern-day Scotland. However, the second-century emperor Trajan did try to push the empire’s borders even further. After a five-year war, he conquered the territories of Decebalus, king of the Decian people in modern-day Romania, establishing a new province called Decia. Also, he defeated the Parthian Empire based in Iran and made new imperial provinces of Armenia, Assyria, and Mesopotamia.

After Trajan’s death, however, his successor Hadrian gave up all of these provinces except Decia, and reestablished the Euphrates River as the eastern boundary of the Roman Empire. Hadrian and the two emperors who followed him, Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius, “persisted in the design of maintaining the dignity of the empire, without attempting to enlarge its limits” (8). To that end, Rome’s armies were led by well-educated men, even though the rank-and-file soldiers “were drawn from the meanest, and very frequently from the most profligate, of mankind” (10). The soldiers who fought in the Roman legions were well-disciplined and well-trained, with a sense of honor. They were paid well and regularly.

The main unit of the Roman army was the legion, which was composed of 55 companies of armed infantry and 10 squadrons of calvary. All soldiers who fought in the legions were Roman citizens. However, the army also consisted of levies, whose troops were drawn from residents of the provinces who did not have Roman citizenship or countries whose rulers were dependents of the Roman Empire. A legion could march for nearly 20 miles in six hours while carrying heavy supplies (16). The Roman military also maintained two permanent navies.

Next, Gibbon lists the provinces of the Roman Empire, which included Spain (which included modern Spain and Portugal), Gaul (France, Belgium, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and parts of modern western Germany), Britain (England and Wales), Italy, Rhaetia (parts of modern Bavaria and Austria), Dalmatia (the Adriatic coast and modern Bosnia and Croatia), Dacia (Romania), Maesia (Serbia and Bulgaria), Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece (roughly modern-day Greece and North Macedonia), Asia Minor (roughly modern-day Turkey), Syria, Phoenicia (roughly modern Lebanon), Palestine, Egypt, and Africa (which did not cover the continent, only northwest Africa). After this, Gibbon concludes by observing that the Roman Empire was “two thousand miles in breadth” and occupied “the finest part of the Temperate Zone” (27).

Chapter 2 Summary

Gibbon continues his discussion of why Rome was so great by moving on to the topics of Rome’s religion and social and political organization. He argues that military strength alone does not explain Rome’s success.

Significantly, there was religious tolerance both from the government and between different sects and cultures. The “general principle of government was wise, simple, and beneficent” (28), believing that Greek, Roman, Egyptian, and Celtic pagans all had the right to worship their chosen gods and recognizing all of their gods and rites as equally valid. In fact, some believed the gods of other peoples were the same as their gods, just with different names. Gibbon admits that the Senate of Rome did occasionally persecute certain cults, such as destroying the Druids of Gaul and banishing the Egyptian cults of Isis and Serapis from Italy, but eventually even the Egyptian cults became permitted (32).

Philosophical schools like the Stoics, the Platonists, and the Epicureans had their own opinions while still respecting, at least to an extent, the beliefs of the populace. Different philosophers either did not believe in the existence of any gods or treated the existence of the divine like an abstract matter, focusing their philosophy instead on human nature. Whatever their beliefs about religion, philosophers in the Roman Empire still enjoyed freedom of inquiry.

Rome was also able to expand through incorporating other peoples. Unlike the Greek city-states of Sparta and Athens, Rome often extended rights and citizenship to the peoples it conquered while maintaining a distinction between Italy and the provinces. Italy was exempt from taxation and the emperors and the Senate kept Rome as the capital. However, Rome did also give opportunities to join the military and political elite even to provincials. Gibbon notes, “The grandsons of the Gauls who had besieged Julius Caesar in Alesia commanded legions, governed provinces, and were admitted into the Senate of Rome” (37). Through the spread of Latin and Roman culture, the provinces were unified under Roman rule. This remained the case even though, after the Romans conquered Greece and the Greek-speaking “Eastern” lands, Greek culture and literature became so popular among the Romans that every upper-class Roman was fluent in both Latin and Greek. 

Gibbon admits that, as open to new citizens as the Roman Empire was, it was still built on violence and slavery. He notes, “The perfect settlement of the Roman empire was preceded by ages of violence and rapine” (39). Enslaved people were usually foreign people captured in war. Because revolts led by enslaved people were a major threat to the empire, they were kept repressed through harsh laws. Still, by the second century CE, laws dealing with enslaved people became less oppressive, with enslavers no longer having the right to kill those they’d enslaved for any reason. Also, traditionally under Roman law, enslaved people could achieve freedom and become regular members of society.

In contrast to what Gibbon describes as the “despotism” of the “monarchies of Asia,” Gibbon argues that the submission to Rome was in a way “voluntary” (43). The subject peoples of the Roman Empire shared in the benefits of Roman society and culture. They benefited especially from the Roman Empire’s great cities, which were filled with impressive monuments, public works, and wealth. The cities were connected together by a sophisticated network of highways.

Even with the brutality of Rome’s rise, Gibbon sees the Roman Empire as bringing the benefits of civilization developed in Greece, the Middle East, and North Africa to the “rude and warlike barbarians” (51) of Western Europe. The Romans also introduced valuable crops, like olives and flax, to Western Europe and created a widespread trade in luxuries across their empire. However, Gibbon also believes that it was the spread of luxury that undermined the old military spirit of the Romans, helping to make the culture of the empire stagnant.

Chapters 1-2 Analysis

Before Edward Gibbon starts with the story of Rome’s decline, he describes the Roman Empire at its height. Of course, one of the key components Gibbon describes is the Roman army and the Role of the Military in Political Crises.

Gibbon emphasizes the legion, whose important qualities were not just that they fought well and were well-organized. It was also that they were composed of Roman citizens who had a sense of loyalty to their homeland, had a sense of honor, and were paid well and regularly. Gibbon also notes that, as Rome rapidly expanded, war “degraded into a trade” (9). The narrative and argument Gibbon lays out are not clearcut.

There is not a specific period for either the Roman Empire’s rise or decline. In Gibbon’s view, the seeds of what would cause the decline and fall of the Roman Empire were already present even while the Roman Empire was going through its most successful period of expansion and prosperity. In this case, the needs of filling an empire large enough for expansion meant that the traditional standards for membership in the legions—such as recruiting property owners with a stake in the fate of Rome—had to be loosened. In time, problems with army recruitment and with keeping the army obedient to the central government would become core problems that simply could not be fully solved.

However, as Gibbon admits, it “is not alone by the rapidity or extent of conquest that we should estimate the greatness of Rome” (28). In fact, one of the reasons The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire is considered a landmark work of modern history is that it does not just pay attention to political and military history, but also to social, cultural, and economic forces. For example, Gibbon calls as much attention to the impact Rome had on agricultural practices in Western Europe as he does to its military conquests. Gibbon argues that one of the reasons the Roman Empire succeeded was because of its openness to different peoples and religions. What shocked some of Gibbon’s contemporaries was how blunt Gibbon is in his discussion of The Influence of Religion and Superstition and about religion in general as a means of social control by governments.

For example, Gibbon describes the various polytheistic religions under the empire in these terms:

They managed the arts of divination as a convenient instrument of policy; and they respected, as the firmest bond of society, the useful persuasion that, either in this or in an future life, the crime of perjury is most assuredly punished by the avenging gods (31, emphasis added).

While Gibbon’s contemporary critics tended to exaggerate the skepticism of Christianity expressed in his work, there is still an implication about Christianity versus ancient polytheism. Specifically, Gibbon implies that, because paganism lacked the “theological rancor” (28) of ancient and medieval Christianity, ancient paganism did more to keep up the stability of the Roman Empire through the avoidance of religious warfare and rivalries.

Still, ironically, Gibbon himself was not so open-minded, as revealed by his views on The Traditional Roman “West” Versus the Corrupting “East.In these chapters, Gibbon sets up a division that he will often draw upon throughout much of The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, namely the idea that there were significant cultural differences between Roman culture and those of “the East,” including Egypt and Syria. Even as he praises the religious openness of the Roman world, he describes Egyptian religion as “of all the most contemptible and abject” (32). This sets the tone for how Gibbon sees the differences between Rome and its Eastern provinces. The former is rational, virtuous, and “masculine,” while the latter is “effeminate,” irrational, and decadent.

blurred text
blurred text
blurred text
blurred text