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62 pages 2 hours read

Sara Ahmed

The Cultural Politics of Emotion

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2004

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Chapters 1-2Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 1 Summary: “The Contingency of Pain”

Chapter 1’s focus text is excerpted from a Christian Aid fundraising letter about landmines. In her analysis of this letter, Ahmed explores the power relationships involved when pain is used in public discourse. Ahmed argues that the language used when pain is invoked to motivate audiences depends on a system of signs that highlight the suffering of bodies while obscuring the active agents of this suffering. Further, this language encourages the audience to appropriate the pain of others and transform it into a personal sadness that is sympathetic without being empathetic. Ahmed points out how the letter promises a kind of empowerment to its readers, who will experience release from their pain through the action of supporting Christian Aid and through identification with the charity’s ability to effect change. The Christian Aid letter, argues Ahmed, is one example of a larger tradition of Western elision of histories of reciprocity: It casts the Western audience in the role of the generous benefactor who can choose to alleviate suffering without acknowledging the ways in which the West’s riches accrue from that very suffering.

Because pain is subjective and contextual, Ahmed is more concerned with what pain does than what it is. She explores the idea of pain as a force of “intensification.” She deploys the Freudian argument that the ego and a sense of individuality form when perceptions of bodily sensations such as pain identify the skin as a boundary of the self, mediating the relationship between the internal and the external. What the presence of sensations and impressions creates—the sense of self—the absence of sensations and impressions can destroy. It is almost as if the body itself vanishes from one’s perception in the absence of these stimuli, but “[t]he intensity of feelings like pain recalls us to our body surfaces: pain seizes me back to my body” (Location 670 of 6419). Pain is experienced as something external invading the self; when there is no obvious physical object involved, people often create metaphors of the physical, as when someone says that betrayal is like a knife in the back or speaks of a metaphorical wound when describing emotional pain. An attempt to move away from or eliminate pain is an attempt to reestablish the border between internal and external.

Pain, like other emotions, is both a recognition of a particular affective state and an interpretation of that state through the lens of memory:

[T]he sensation of pain is deeply affected by memories: one can feel pain when reminded of past trauma by an encounter with another. Or if one has a pain one might search one’s memories for whether one has had it before, differentiating the strange from the familiar (Location 641 of 6419).

Thinking about pain generally includes a consideration of cause and an attribution of responsibility, and one’s thinking about these can also be influenced by past experiences and memory. Different forms of touch are interpreted differently according to one’s beliefs about the characteristics of the other doing the touching, and one’s beliefs about the other can also be influenced by perceptions that the other causes pain.

Because pain reinforces the feeling of separateness, a common response to pain is the desire to reach out to others and have one’s pain understood by them. Inherently lonely, pain motivates one to seek social connection, placing others in the position of witness to an event they actually cannot fully understand. Ahmed gives an example from when she was a child witnessing but not truly comprehending her mother’s pain from what was then believed to be multiple sclerosis. She points out how love made her want to connect with her mother and share her pain. This illustrates that empathy for those in pain is ultimately illusory: Ahmed’s desire only reinforces the distinction between them, because her mother is the one in pain, and what Ahmed feels is not that same pain but only a willingness to share it. Despite this stance, Ahmed does not want to discount the possibility that people can remain open to feelings they do not fully understand or share. She suggests that ethically responding to others’ pain may actually require this openness. The frustration of trying to comprehend others’ pain highlights the unknowability of the self’s pain to others, potentially motivating further openness and a willingness to act to diminish others’ pain despite a lack of complete understanding.

The final section of Chapter 1 deals with the political utility of pain. Ahmed introduces a version of Nietzsche’s concept of ressentiment, agreeing that basing identity on a wound and creating a reactive politics around injury is problematic. She adds that this is a form of fetishization, erasing the location of a wound in a specific time and space; further, it opens some sufferers up to exploitation by a global marketplace that commodifies suffering as a spectacle. It reinforces pre-existing power structures when those with privileged voices can manipulate this system to compensate their own perceived suffering while others are ignored—as when white males claim harm from social changes distributing privilege more equally. Ahmed’s solution to this problem is not, like Nietzsche, to insist that the wounded forget their own suffering but for the larger society to recognize the specifics of injuries to both individuals and communities and redress those that genuinely deserve redress.

As an example of one attempt at this process, Ahmed discusses the 1996 report Bringing Them Home, which is part of Australia’s investigation into the separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander families from their children. Although the report offers a chance for individual Indigenous people to detail their pain, Ahmed notes that those responsible for that pain are not individually asked to account for their part in the suffering. The stories of the Indigenous are appropriated into a “national” pain and used to invoke a sense of shame that implicitly identifies the nation as white and non-Indigenous. It suggests that the incorporation of Indigenous people into this white collective can lift the burden of this shame. Ahmed suggests that despite these flaws, the report can have utility for responsible readers who remember that Indigenous pain is not their pain and who maintain openness as they work to understand. She demonstrates by recounting in detail her own reading of one testimony within the report.

Chapter 2 Summary: “The Organisation of Hate”

Chapter 2 begins with a quote from the Aryan Nations’ Website that makes a claim about love, rather than hate, being the basis for white anger. Noting that fascists often employ the reversal of hate into alleged love as a persuasive tactic, Ahmed proposes to show that such hate shapes identity through its mechanism as an attempt to defend against injury. The minority other is imagined to be the real source of hate and a threat against both the white subject and the objects of the white subject’s love. This manufactured threat binds the intended audience together into a collective that represents the “real” nation requiring defense against the minority other, whose contributions and belonging to the nation are erased. This binding together relies on the creation of a fantasy identity based in whiteness and the love of whiteness. It also shapes the identities of minority others by projecting the threat fantasy onto them, locating them as the source of bad feelings and potential injury.

As she considers the disparate objects of hate mentioned in the Aryan Nations’ quote, Ahmed makes the case that feelings of hate are not anchored to specific targets but instead are distributed across various figures, circulating in an “affective economy.” They are rooted in the unconscious and can be repressed and displaced, causing feelings of hate to easily be “misconstrued and […] attached to another idea” (Location 1080 of 6419). In the affective economy, emotions are a form of capital and the objects of emotion function as commodities. The value of affect increases as it circulates among the objects and signs. As an example of the way that hate circulates between various objects, sticking to some and creating collective entities, Ahmed cites speeches made about asylum-seekers in the UK during the early 2000s. She points out how specific “sticky language” is repeated from speech to speech as various figures are collected into an imagined “bogus” asylum-seeker archetype, one intent on taking advantage of the nation’s generosity. Further, she shows how one specific phrase, used again in a speech about a man who killed a teenager breaking into his home, transfers this same hate onto the teenage burglar.

Hate is an intentional emotion that requires an object to be “against.” Ahmed references Aristotle’s delineation between anger, which is directed at an individual on the basis of a specific grievance, and hatred, which is felt toward categories of people. When hatred is directed against individuals, it is because the individual stands in for the group of people that is the real object of hatred. Because hatred appears to involve internally generated bad feelings for and definitions of the hated group, it is sometimes viewed as an artifact of projection, a cleansing of the self by locating rejected qualities outside the self. Ahmed admits that this may be partially true, but points out that hate can also be a form of attachment, a frustration when the object of excessive needs fails to meet those excessive needs. Hatred can both seek to expel and to incorporate the hated object as a way to negate the threat of its existence.

Ahmed posits that hatred’s function is to solidify identity at both the personal and group levels. It justifies the alignment of the self with a particular group and defines the part of identity created through love for this group:

[W]e can see that an ‘I’ that declares itself as hating an other […] comes into existence by also declaring its love for that which is threatened by this imagined other (the nation, the community and so on) [...]. Hence in hating another, this subject is also loving itself; hate structures the emotional life of narcissism as a fantastic investment in the continuation of the image of the self in the faces that together make up the ‘we’ (Locations 1232-47 of 6419).

It is this function that matters, not the inherent characteristics of the hated other. As an example, Ahmed discusses a quote in which Audre Lorde recounts a childhood encounter with a white woman on the train who reacts with hatred and disgust to Lorde’s physical proximity. Ahmed suggests that the woman’s desire for physical distance from the hated Black body of the child reaffirms her identification with whiteness and reconstitutes the boundaries of her own whiteness.

Chapter 2 concludes with a consideration of hate crimes as an example of how the affective economy of hate affects the “surfacing” of bodies who function as the objects of hate. Hate crimes are actions against hated groups through attacks on the bodies of individuals, whose identities are involuntarily fixed by the action of these attacks. Ahmed suggests that the investment in social norms and structures of power is at the root of these attacks and remarks that to an extent these crimes are therefore simply an extension of common behaviors and attitudes that support the everyday injustices that happen not to be criminalized. She returns to the Lorde anecdote, noting that the white woman’s behaviors caused Lorde to see her own body from the white woman’s perspective, “sealing” her body as an object of hate. This, Ahmed argues, is one of the primary functions of hate.

Chapters 1-2 Analysis

True to the plan Ahmed laid out in her Introduction, Chapters 1 and 2 each begin with analysis of a public text and then use this text as a springboard for discussion of the characteristics and function of a particular emotion. Ahmed supports the arguments that follow each analysis with copious references to scholarly works, and she is careful to trace the history of ideas she incorporates, noting where her own ideas modify, extend, or contradict earlier ideas. These frequent references to the works and ideas of other thinkers lend gravitas to Ahmed’s arguments and appeal to ethos, making it clear how well-versed she is in the foundations of her field.

Ahmed also continues to make rhetorical moves that help clarify the complex ideas she is setting forth and make them more accessible. She frequently introduces new sections of her argument with hypophora, generating curiosity and marking her key ideas. Because her ideas are complex, she uses many longer sentences to accurately express the relationships among them—but she then periodically sums up ideas in shorter sentences that incorporate parallelism, repetition, and other devices to emphasize key ideas and make them memorable. She uses an entire passage of this more lyrical language during her reading of one of the personal stories in Bringing Them Home. She offers relatable examples, such as the feeling of stubbing a toe or the personal account of her own childhood feelings about her mother’s illness. She also returns to earlier ideas and incorporates them through synthesis in both her analyses of public texts and in her related arguments.

Ahmed’s first analysis of a public text in Chapter 1 reintroduces The Relationship Between Emotion, Language, and Power when she notes that “to make landmines the ‘cause’ of pain and suffering is to stop too soon in a chain of events” because it elides Western nations’ responsibility for suffering, (Location 542 of 6419). Her subsequent discussion of the empowerment of the fundraising letter’s target audience reinforces this thematic idea. This discussion of the audience and the language of pain, shame, and relief used to appeal to its collective identity also reintroduces the thematic idea of Emotions as Shapers of Identity. The more detailed arguments regarding the nature and performance of pain that follow this analysis gradually build a case for pain as an example of Emotions as Social and Relational Practices. The analysis of Bringing Them Home thus functions as both a chapter summary, by providing a case study of how Ahmed’s ideas about pain’s characteristics and function apply to a real-world example, and as an opportunity to synthesize the three thematic motifs focused on in Chapter 1.

This pattern of review and expansion is repeated in Chapter 2. Ahmed’s opening analysis of the Aryan Nations’ quote demonstrates how the quote’s emotional language creates audience identity and reinforces power structures. It also describes the social functioning of the quote’s invocation of hate. This allows Ahmed to effectively review all three themes focused on in Chapter 1 before moving on to explore the distribution of hate among classes of people and the affective economy. These two ideas, which are expanded on in the chapter’s subsequent discussion of the nature and performance of hate, reintroduce the remaining two themes from the book’s Introduction: The Stickiness of Emotion and The Intersectionality of Emotion, Race, Gender, and Sexuality. The analysis of the Audre Lorde anecdote that concludes Chapter 2 again functions both as a chapter summary and as a synthesis of thematic ideas. The white woman’s communication of her disgust demonstrates The Relationship Between Emotion, Language, and Power and shows that hate is an example of Emotions as Social and Relational Practices. Ahmed’s commentary regarding the shaping of both the white woman’s and Lorde’s identities through the white woman’s hate supports the book’s thematic claims about Emotions as Shapers of Identity. And finally, the white adult’s disgust at the mere presence of a Black child she knows nothing about bolsters the text’s claims regarding The Stickiness of Emotion and The Intersectionality of Emotion, Race, Gender, and Sexuality.

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