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Mark KurlanskyA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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The Roman Empire saw consistent conflict between its patrician upper-class and plebeian underclass. The empire offered lesser forms of salt to plebeians. The government controlled salt prices, and The Punic Wars were largely paid for by an increase in salt taxes.
Italian cities were often built near saltworks. The Via Salaria, the “first great Roman road,” (63) was built to transport salt across the peninsula’s interior, both for commerce and for the military. Rome did not employ new methods of making and collecting salt, but used everything available to them: “The Roman genius was administration—not the originality of the project but the scale of the operation” (64).
The word salad comes from the Romans salting their greens. They were also among the most enthusiastic salters of pork and olives. But fish was the most common foundation of the Roman diet, and salted fish was the core of Roman commerce. When the Punic Wars ended, Rome controlled Sicily, which had extensive, valuable fisheries. Tuna fishing and selling salted tuna were Sicily’s primary businesses.
Salt production centers were usually found near fishing areas. The fish were sold, and their scraps were used to make a fish sauce called garum. Physicians who viewed salted fish as a medicine saw garum as its liquefied form. It was prescribed for everything from migraines to tuberculosis. The oldest Roman cookbook, De re coquinaria, has more recipes that use garum than recipes that use salt. The market for garum grew, and so did its derivative, discount versions. The cheaper versions were often rotten and smelled horrible. There were even recipes in the cookbook focused on making bad garum taste good.
After Rome fell, garum was seen as a symbol of the former empire’s excesses: “Leaving fish organs in the sun to rot was not an idea that endured in less extravagant cultures” (77). Garum disappeared from the Mediterranean after the collapse of the empire, “but the Roman idea that building saltworks was part of building empires endured” (78).
Venice was not part of Roman history. Writing of Venice and its mixture of poor and rich in the 6th century, a high Roman official named Cassiodorus offered: “Although there may be someone who does not seek gold, there never yet lived the man who does not desire salt” (81). The area between Venice’s seven islands was called the Seven Seas. By the 7th century, the Seven Seas were gone, as landfill had been used to extend the islands. The Venetians then built salt ponds along the newly-formed land. Kurlansky calls this “the last great technical advance in salt manufacturing until the twentieth century” (82). The ponds allowed seawater to reach a specific level of salinity, so that it is moved from pond to pond at appropriate points to crystalize salt. In this way, a new batch of brine was always beginning in the first pond. By the 10th century, the pond technology was spreading across the Adriatic.
The Venetians discovered that “more money could be made buying and selling salt than producing it” (84). Venetian merchants were given a salt subsidy by the government, meaning that the public had to pay high prices for imported salt, but they didn’t mind if this meant that their fleets could spend their time dominating the spice trade. The salt administration helped pay for the public buildings and the hydraulic system required for maintaining the odd logistics of the city.
Kurlansky says that “Venice manipulated markets by controlling production” (86). Saltworks in Crete were destroyed by Venice in order to increase scarcity and ban local production of salt, forcing expensive imports and allowing the government to profit from the regulation. Venetian salt companies bought rivals and ruthlessly controlled the salt trade. Kurlansky states that Venice based its economy on salt to a degree that had never before been seen.
Kurlansky next examines the ruins of a Roman city named Veleia. It fits none of the criteria that Romans used for the sites upon which they built cities. However, there was a salt source nearby: underground brine springs. Veleia was producing salt as early as the 2nd century B.C. The wheels used to pump brine were worked by chained slaves who walked in pairs—one pair above the wheel, and one pair on the bottom inside the wheel.
In the 7th and 8th centuries, sailors who brought salt to Parma could choose to be rewarded with money or goods, and the most prized good was salted ham, also known as prosciutto di Parma. Parma’s climate was perfectly suited for producing the salted meat, and the diet of native Parma pigs, who were supplied by the local cheese industry and thereby fed well, made the pork tastier than in other regions.
The origin of cheese is unknown, but Kurlansky presents the theory that people carrying milk in animal skins may have been the first to notice that it formed into something like cheese while curdling: “In Parma, the production of cheese, ham, butter, salt, and wheat evolved into a perfectly symbiotic relationship” (97).
Genoa was home to a tribe of people called the Ligurians in the 5th century B.C. Genoa imported salt after the 12th century from a region of salt flats called Hyeres. Genoese merchants built solar evaporation ponds at Heyeres, with great success. They repeated this process in Sardinia, which became a major salt producer.
This, however, caused some problems. In the mountainous interior of Catalonia, the dukes of Cardona were not happy to see the Genoese selling salt in Barcelona. They owned a mountain made of salt that enriched them, and did not want the Genoese cutting into their profits.
Venice continued to win the competition for the most profitable salt trade “because of a more cohesive political system and because of its system of salt subsidies” (104). Eventually, the voyages of Christopher Columbus and Giovanni Caboto would open up significant new trade routes that put an end to the Venetian salt empire.
Chapters 4-6 begin to show the dangers of government corruption and commercial monopolies over salt. Kurlansky expands on his discussion of salt and the Roman Empire, showing that cities were often built near sources of salt. From there, each city could then be developed into a hub of commerce from which salt could be exported and used by the public. Chapter 4 also introduces the struggle between classes, which gives Kurlansky an opportunity to speak about the various types and qualities of salt, insofar as they were known at the time.
Even though the Roman Empire could be ruthless in its dealings, it is Venice that receives the most attention in terms of corruption and cutthroat control of the salt markets. The Venetian government would destroy saltworks to raise the price of local salt and increase scarcity, buy out any competitors who would acquiesce, and fill the seas with ships of men eager to prevent smuggling and discourage competitors from entering Venetian waters. As the Venetian economy became more dependent on salt, the question arose of how it would function if it lost its monopoly. The long view is ignored in favor of short-term profits.
When Venice loses its stranglehold on the salt market, it is because of explorers like Christopher Columbus. Venice was only able to maintain control as long as the world remained small. When explorers began opening up new trade routes, they also found new areas that produced salt, new passages by which they could deliver salt, and new opportunities for circumventing Venetian authority.
As the world enlarged, any salt-based economy or government that depended on salt for its primary revenue would now have to rethink its methods.
By Mark Kurlansky