63 pages • 2 hours read
Danielle S. AllenA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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Allen’s basic argument is not simply that the Declaration makes claims about equality but rather that it embodies and creates the kind of equality it discusses. Thus, the power of language to shape reality is central to Our Declaration.
Allen first asserts the power of language in the Prologue, when she argues that “language is one of the most potent resources each of us has for achieving our own political empowerment” (21). What she means by this becomes clearer as she notes that the Founding Fathers “grasped” the transformational “power of words,” which they wielded to bring “the Declaration, and their revolution, into being” (21). She then lays out her argument that the Declaration conducts transformative work: As it opens the colonists are still British subjects, and by the end they are independent citizens of new states. In part, her point is that the colonists use language to assert their right to a reciprocal relationship with the king and to portray him as a tyrant, thereby seeking support for their cause. However, Allen also notes that language is a tool of the logic and reasoning that the Declaration relies on; in making its assertion that the right to happiness is a right to properly constituted government, for example, the Declaration hinges on the assumption that people can evaluate the text’s language and thus engage with it as equal participants in a political community. Allen’s students, for instance, were transformed from exhausted adults into empowered citizens by their slow reading of the Declaration.
The act of reading is thus as central to Allen’s conception of language’s power as the act of speaking or writing. Indeed, Our Declaration is an extended act of reading—of the Declaration of Independence itself. Allen presents the Declaration between her Prologue and first chapter; we are invited to read its entirety then and many times over throughout the text. Likewise, Allen makes it clear that it was a lifetime of reading that established her interest in equality. She used these skills to teach her night students and then began an even slower reading of the Declaration that produced her book. Indeed, writing and reading cannot easily be disentangled, pointing to the reciprocal (i.e., equalizing) nature of language itself. Certainly, reading is inextricable from what Allen calls “democratic writing”; the members of the Declaration committee were constantly reading each other’s work, talking about it, and then editing documents to produce final drafts.
Allen does not suggest that the change produced by language is necessarily good. She remarks, for example, that careful editing of the Declaration produced the sentences we now know, including the gaps in our understanding of the text that Allen argues have had catastrophic consequences. Nevertheless, Allen’s contention that human actions must typically play catch up to human ideals suggests language’s foundational role in progress: It establishes the template for a better world.
The tension between the best and worst of humanity drives much of Allen’s reading of the Declaration. This is in part an acknowledgement of historical reality. Allen notes, for example, that Jefferson professed grand ideals about human beings and even denounced slavery, yet he himself was an enslaver, only freeing some of his enslaved laborers upon his death. The conflict between idealism and realism therefore surrounds the Declaration’s inception.
Just as importantly, however, Allen argues that the Declaration itself recognizes that conflict. For instance, while it articulates that humans have the right and capacity to change their governments on the basis of equality, it also asserts that change is a rare phenomenon, as most people are predisposed to suffer known ills rather than risk new ones. The tension here is multifaceted. Not only do the impulses toward change and stagnation appear in conflict, but the latter is in some sense a virtue as well as a vice; the ability to persevere is an admirable quality in some situations, while in others it impedes necessary progress. Humans are too complex to be understood either in wholly optimistic or wholly pessimistic terms, Allen suggests.
Nevertheless, Allen is generally sanguine about the Declaration’s possibilities and, indeed, about humanity. She notes, points out, for example, that Confederacy leaders would have felt no need to denounce or reword the Declaration if its promises meant nothing—that “by slipping from ‘and’ to ‘but,’ they admitted that the kind of separation they pursued does not and cannot bring equality” (125)—even as she notes that it can take a long time for ideals to be made real. Even her own commitment to teaching future generations about the Declaration is left in progress by the time the book concludes, but the tone of these later chapters is hopeful rather than tentative or anxious. Allen cannot guarantee that future generations will embrace the Declaration and its promise of equality, but she has faith that they will and—through the power of her own words—takes steps to ensure that faith is grounded in action.
Sociability is the core of Allen’s personal and academic engagement with the Declaration. She first reaches new conclusions about it by reading it with her students. Then, her close analysis of the text and how it was produced rests on relationships. Ultimately, this perspective aligns with Allen’s emphasis on equality: Where an emphasis on freedom conceptualizes people as disparate individuals acting on their own interests and desires (and potentially coming into conflict with one another), an emphasis on equality conceptualizes people as in community with one another.
Allen’s claims about language—which is social in nature—are key to her claims. For instance, she identifies a form of “democratic writing” that is collaborative in both production and intent. Thus, the friendship between Adams and Lee produced much of Congress’s early thoughts on how the colonies could justify independence. Likewise, years of conversation between the delegates were a necessary precursor to drafting the Declaration, especially the list of grievances, which was compiled partly on the basis of letters from citizens. The Declaration itself describes social relationships, particularly the right of individuals to form governments so that citizens may interact as equals. The colonists seek a reciprocal relationship with the king that they are not granted and thus form a new, less intimate relationship with the citizens of Britain. The Declaration’s signers used their names to signify their new relationship to one another and their level of commitment to a shared cause.
Notably, that cause did not entail agreement on every issue—nor does Allen suggest that humans’ sociability implies social harmony. As she repeatedly stresses, the project of democratic governance is messy. For Allen, however, it is perhaps the only form of government that takes humans’ social nature seriously, as it rests on consent of the governed—i.e., a kind of joint agreement.