56 pages • 1 hour read
Alan DuffA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Content Warning: This section of the guide includes discussion of domestic abuse, rape, and alcohol addiction.
One of the main conflicts in Once Were Warriors is the characters’ idea of a Māori nature that impedes their development, be it social, educational, or economic. Given the socio-historical context of this story, Duff suggests to the reader that the Māori families in Pine Block are survivors of a colonial past that has resulted in their marginalization from mainstream society, their cultural disruption, and a declining sense of self-worth. Such a history, in combination with racist stereotypes, pushes characters like Nig to think that social afflictions like poverty, abuse, and other social ills are inherited or predestined for Māori people: “the stain of growing up a Pine Blocker. Of growin up havin to fit a role, a race role, man, and thassa fuckin truth you know it and so do I: havin to turn yaself into sumpthin ya mightn’t be. Yeah, thas what bein a Maori is for a Pine Block Maori” (135). Duff uses Nig’s perspective to explore the damaging perception that the issue at hand is not a history of political subjugation and exploitation but rather a self-inflicted and pre-determined fate based on a “race role.” Duff challenges this perception when some characters resist this idea. Grace, for instance, places the blame for her restricted resources and abusive household life on an unknown external force: “The feeling that something, someone had done this to her; this sense of having been not deprived but robbed of a life” (111). Grace’s perspective brings the idea of intergenerational trauma to the fore. For many characters, however, the wrongly-attributed blame is born as if it were of their own making.
In the novel, such a perspective propagates social complacency and apathy that, if brought up and remarked upon, is met with hostility. Beth, for example, sometimes vocalizes a desire for change, but for most of the narrative, she refrains from denouncing her fellow Māori’s behavior. Early in the novel, she contemplates the rusting car parks and the empty promises of Pine Block:
Rusting monuments to these people, their apathy, their couldn’t give a fuck bout nuthin or no one attitude. Ooo, made a woman wild sometimes. Had her wanting to march up to some ofem ask em, didn’t they have any fuckin pride, doesn’t it occur to you to do something? But of course she couldn’t. Not in Pine Block. Not as a Maori to another. They’d lynch her. And anyway, who’m I to talk? Way I carry on myself at times, specially when I’ve had a few. […] These are my people. I love em. Or so she forced herself (6).
The narrative is in third person when Beth denounces the “couldn’t give a fuck bout nuthin or no one attitude” but moves into first person when Beth reflects on her own behavior. Beth acknowledges that change is needed, and Duff intimates that the Māori of Pine Block have fallen into a self-imposed stagnancy. As the narrative progresses, this requires all Māori to come together to solve this issue, a solution that Beth will eventually initiate. However, until Beth revitalizes Pine Block, the stagnancy is presented as intergenerational. Many in the younger generation do not see any point in pursuing, for example, education to better their circumstances. As Grace points out during Boogie’s court case, “he [Boogie] doesn’t go to school because he can’t see what good school is going to do him anyway. Lots of us don’t” (28). This further entrenches future generations into social inequalities, lack of opportunities, and a distorted view of their own capabilities.
Duff painstakingly showcases how the assimilative projects and biased historical accounts enforced by the British Crown and the New Zealand government create a distortion in how Māori have come to view themselves. Through the novel’s resolution, he also explores how, with effort, they might come together as a cohesive community once more. Denied their proper history, Duff portrays the men of Pine Block as people who confound the fundamental concept of Māori warriorhood with unadulterated, tantrum-prone violence. Jake is one such example when he uses violence to assert his social standing among his community. He makes light of beating Beth when she refuses to take his friends’ food requests during his party: “Man must’ve been tired from all them late drinking nights (and giving his wife a hiding, hahaha!)” (46). Though Jake has a complicated relationship with his Māori ancestry, “giving [one’s] wife a hiding” is a common practice among most Māori men of Pine Block. Duff hence suggests that these men have a distorted view of themselves as “warriors” with violence in their nature. As Beth explains, however, such behavior is not part of their culture:
The hell you mean, Maori way? You call yourselves Maoris? […] The Maori of old had a culture, and he had pride, and he had warriorhood, not this bullying, man-hitting-woman shet, you call that manhood? It’s not manhood, and it sure as hell ain’t Maori warriorhood. So ask yourselves what you are (22).
Her opinion is later corroborated by Te Tupaea, the paramount chief. Although he blames the men’s alcohol addictions, he still announces” “And this […] beer, it has you beat up your wives, your children, turn against each other. Yet you dare call yourselves Maori? Pah!” (175). His final “Pah” is plosive to reflect his immense disgust.
These conflicts in the novel raise the question of what it means to be Māori. It is a question that many characters struggle to answer. The public education that children receive is not presented as a good basis for cultural understanding since it actively undermines Māori history by privileging dates, facts, and people relevant to British colonialism. Often, words escape both Beth and Jake when they try to sum up something important to their community. Their hesitancy is usually a result of their alcohol consumption: “Yet we’re good people. […] And we have this… Beth thinking hard, trying to match up instinctive understanding with a suitable word—passion” (37). Her struggle to find a word in English relates to her disconnection from her culture and history: She has an “instinctive understanding” but only the colonizer’s language with which to express it.
Words, and by extension, books, are a recurring symbol in the narrative and a source of great cultural anxiety for Beth. No one that she knows in Pine Block has books. She calls Māori a “bookless society” since “they didn’t have a written language before the white man arrived” (4). What literature her children do consume depicts unrealistic fantasies, like Nig’s pornography magazines, or has no commonality with Māori, like Grace and Polly’s teenage girl magazines with pictures of only white girls. The narrator shows that Māori did actually have a written way to communicate, but what “books” there are to learn about themselves are inaccessible to most Pine Blockers. Māori books, Beth remarks, aren’t written on pages. Like their moko, they are chiseled and carved:
Every pace a carved wooden slab of wall column, depicting an illustrious ancestor, the legends of the people; the lore of the tribe etched out in intricate (but secret) detail. […] Two main centre support poles, each an elaborately carved totem of massive log. A bookless society’s equivalent of several volumes. If you knew how to translate it, that is (115).
Few characters can “translate it,” including Beth. Access to this unfiltered version of their history is limited to a few who still know their language, spoken and carved. Assimilative efforts have been effective: Beth and most of her community do not speak te reo, let alone recognize the meanings behind the carved history in her clan’s wharenui. They know only English. Without access to the cultural touchstones of their identity, Pine Blockers effectively do become “The Lost Tribe,” as Grace perceives them: an insecure group that has lost its way and is slowly disappearing from sight, like the Tūrehu clan of Māori lore. By the end of the novel, community events begin to reverse these disconnections and distortions.
Socio-economic inequities are a severe limitation to the Māori of Pine Block, as the neighborhood residents become entrenched in a cycle of poverty that reduces their opportunities for growth and development. The demographic most affected by poverty is the community’s children. As Beth explains, the difference between the world of a white man like Mr. Trambert’s and that of Māori children in Pine Block is a stark one:
To dream; of being like him, with acres and acres of land to feel under your feet, and hundreds and hundreds of sheep growing fat and woolly to add to your thousands and thousands in the fuckin bank. […] While here, down there on the street below, are kids practicing to be the nothing nobody, but violent, adults of the future (2).
Duff’s use of hyperbole “hundreds and hundreds” and “thousands and thousands” reflects Beth’s unnuanced but profound view of socio-economic inequities. Beth, of course, does not know that Mr. Trambert has experienced tremendous loss and does not truly have “peace in his nice white world” (2), but it is nevertheless an unequivocal truth that he possesses far superior means, resources, and support than Beth, her children, and her fellow Pine Blockers.
Although Māori are meant to have equal rights and privileges to other New Zealanders, even children as young as Grace know that the starting line is not the same for Māori and Pākeha. This is represented through the justice system that is hardly impartial to her community:
[T]his precious damn [court] room with all his mates [fellow magistrates] up around the walls supporting him, giving him not only the law on his side but them, the ones up on the walls in their big fancy frames, the education they must’ve had, the head starts (29).
Duff presents the “fancy frames” and “education” as antithetical to Grace and Boogie. Māori who make something of themselves are seen as the exception, like the welfare officer Mr. Bennett or the internationally-famous singer Kiri Te Kanawa. For all of the others, dreams, Beth notes, are often seen as futile: “But nothing like a few hidings – from the man sposed to be part of the dream – to reduce life and its dreams to thoughts that grow to disbelief, how the mind went: Come on, Beth, don’t kid yourself. You ain’t going nowhere but Pine Block” (2). The limited setting in the novel highlights the sense of socio-economic inequities.
Poverty in Pine Block also invariably feeds into the neighborhood’s cycle of violence. The main source of income for the Brown Fist gang, for instance, is acting as violent repossession agents for an appliance company in Two Lakes. Acting more like mobsters than employees, Jimmy Bad Horse and his gang make a point of beating anyone who’s behind on payments on their visits. As Warren, another patch member hopeful, terrorizes a woman and her children, Nig equates this violent behavior with the domestic abuse that he’s seen and known in his own home: “[N]o fuckin different to my old man goin off his face when I was growin up and so were my kid brothers and sisters tryin to do the same: just grow up. In peace” (151-52). That this work is meant to ensure the money of “some white prick” only highlights how Māori in Pine Block are made vulnerable and easy to exploit because of the socio-economic inequities that they face (152).