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Wendy WarrenA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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Content Warning: This section of the guide contains references to enslavement, violence and sexual violence, suicide, and racial slurs.
In 17th-century New England, English colonization of America and the relatively new transatlantic slave trade worked together in a “deadly symbiosis” (10). As English Protestants established colonies in New England and elsewhere, they sought profits by expanding their territories and working their new land. This necessitated labor, which the English gained by enslaving African and Indigenous people. Between 1620 and 1640, 20,000 English people emigrated to the New England region, establishing communities such as Plymouth, Massachusetts Bay, New Haven, Rhode Island, and Connecticut.
Warren argues that scholars of this era have overlooked the significant Indigenous influence on these early colonies; Indigenous people were trading partners, enslaved people, and warring enemies to the English colonists. Indeed, the first account of enslavement in New England involves a Patuxet Indigenous man named Squanto. English captain Thomas Hunt kidnapped Squanto and several other Indigenous men in 1614, some of whom he later sold into slavery in Spain. As colonist John Smith later noted, this enslavement prompted hatred and suspicion from local Indigenous people, who had previously been friendly to the English newcomers.
Part of how the English colonists established themselves in New England was through the “mirror process” of removing native people from their land and selling them into slavery in English colonies in the West Indies while simultaneously importing enslaved African people from those same colonies (15). This process allowed English colonists to seize more land from Indigenous communities and gain access to cheap slave labor at the same time. In doing so, English colonists made slavery commonplace in their communities; it was common for even working-class white people to own a Black enslaved person. Indeed, the title of Warren’s Introduction comes from a 1638 incident in which an enslaved woman shared her “grief” when an enslaved man raped her at the urging of their enslaver, who wanted them to have children and therefore expand his ownership of enslaved people.
Because historians have focused on the antebellum period of slavery, the Civil War, and emancipation, Warren contends that this early period of transatlantic enslavement is poorly understood. She explains that New England Bound: Slavery and Colonization in Early America will show how English colonists enslaved Africans and Indigenous people in 17th-century New England and the way their lives and labor impacted the development of those communities. Some historians have focused on the communal mentality of early English colonists, as encouraged by John Winthrop in 1630, who told his followers that they “must bee knitt together, in this worke, as one man.” Warren notes, however, that this teaching of togetherness applied only to the English colonists and not the other people they would encounter in the New World (23). By broadening her lens to include Indigenous and African people, Warren aims to shed light on an understudied aspect of American history and reveal more about the lives of enslaved people in this period and region.
Captain John Smith, an English soldier, explored North America in the early 17th century and helped to establish the colony of Jamestown in Virginia. In his writings he advised prospective immigrants to the New World to expect to work very hard and not anticipate easy profits. His experience at Jamestown gave him some insight into the challenges of establishing colonies in America; the settlement there failed when the English colonists, gentlemen who were unfamiliar with how to farm, fish, and hunt, could not survive in the unfamiliar territory.
Early settlers to New England were hopeful and optimistic that their new community would provide religious sanctuary as well as material riches. The Pilgrims and Puritans who moved to New England were often from farming families. Their religious leaders instructed them to consider their emigration a divinely ordained act, preaching that God approved of their desire to build a new community that was separate from England, whose church and monarchy they disagreed with. Puritan leaders such as John Cotton preached that they were also allowed to seek riches and that making profits was not sinful. As such, Warren argues, early colonies were driven by two main aims, establishing a religiously pure community and thriving financially: “Profits and piety could and needed to go hand in hand” (37).
Purchasing and owning enslaved African people soon became the norm in New England. In 1630, writer William Wood related an anecdote about Indigenous people being frightened by an African fugitive from slavery, as they were startled by his appearance and thought he must be a “devil.” English colonists were amused by their fearful reaction and recaptured the enslaved man to return him to his enslaver. According to Warren, Wood’s story shows that English readers would have been familiar with the sight of enslaved African people, both in London and in New England.
The Portuguese and Spanish were the first European nations to substantially engage in the transatlantic slave trade, utilizing existing slave-trading networks, such as the trans-Saharan slave trade, which had existed for centuries. Beginning in the 1500s, a few English merchants inserted themselves into this trade, venturing to West Africa to either capture and enslave people or collaborate with local African leaders to enslave their enemies. These merchants transported enslaved people to the West Indies, where they sold them to plantation-owning enslavers who grew cash crops such as sugar. Soon the English government established the “Royal African Company,” which claimed a monopoly on the slave trade, though some merchants continued to illegally exploit the trade.
The various Protestant denominations in New England did not disapprove of slavery on moral or religious grounds; they considered hierarchy amongst people legal, legitimate, and a reflection of God’s will. They grounded their beliefs in the Bible; there is a passage in Leviticus which instructs people to enslave others who are outside of their belief system. By the 1630s and 1640s some New England colonies were enshrining the English colonists’ right to enslave Africans and Indigenous people into their laws. This legal framework treated Africans and Indigenous people as equals who could be legitimately owned and sold within the colonies and to other locations such as the West Indies.
There were some small, but ineffective, voices of dissent: Rhode Island tried to limit enslavement to 10 years or until a person’s 24th birthday, but this law was not reliably enforced. When a group of marauding English colonist merchants raided a West African village, killing 100 villagers with a cannon and enslaving two men, they were tried in court in New England for their offenses. New Englanders were offended that the events had happened on a Sunday and that the enslaved people had been kidnapped rather than purchased. Such illegal merchant voyages were not uncommon; in the 17th century there were 19 documented journeys from New England to West Africa and the West Indies, and likely even more undocumented ones. Meanwhile, the Royal African Company tried to make their legal monopoly on the slave trade a reality. Governor Bradstreet of Massachusetts and Governor Cranston of Rhode Island sought to downplay the amount of enslaved people in their colonies to the authorities in London, perhaps because many of the African enslaved people in those communities likely came to New England by way of illegal merchant behavior, or because these governors did not want their communities to engage in more slave trading.
Prominent New England colonist John Winthrop lamented his community’s financial difficulties in 1648. The New Englanders were struggling because the English government forbade them from trading guns to the Indigenous population in exchange for beaver pelts, out of fear that the Indigenous people would become better armed and therefore more of a threat to the colonists. The Indigenous people then shifted to trading more with the French and Dutch, leaving English colonists outcompeted and undersupplied. Another reason for their financial troubles was the sudden decrease in immigrants from England; due to political changes in their home country, fewer Puritans sought refuge in New England by the late 1640s. As such, the colonies did not enjoy the same influx of wealth they had in previous decades.
To deal with this problem, New England’s colonies developed more trade with their English peers in the West Indies, in particular Barbados. New England’s farmers and fishermen traded their goods to the plantation-owning enslavers in the Caribbean. These colonists focused on growing the valuable cash crops sugar and tobacco and therefore did not produce food crops to feed themselves or the people they enslaved. In exchange for New England’s crops, fish and meat, the West Indies colonists offered them tobacco and sugar, which the New England merchants then sold to England.
The sugar plantations in the West Indies were particularly brutal for enslaved people, many of whom died within the first few years of laboring there. This was a “slave society,” or a society which depended on slave labor to function economically. While New England was, in contrast, a “society with slaves,” in which enslaved people played a more marginal economic role, these two regions were “part of one economic system,” since they both required trade with the other to survive (68). New England’s colonists greatly profited from this trade. In addition to gaining a valuable source of goods to sell to England, they were also able to commodify poor quality products that they couldn’t have sold locally anyways, such as rotting fish. The colonists in the West Indies had few providers to choose from and would purchase low quality food to feed to enslaved people.
Indeed, New England’s trade was so successful that authorities in London were somewhat alarmed and were concerned that, as the colonies grew wealthier, they would also seek more independence from England. However, they continued to allow trade from New England. As England’s colonial ambitions grew, the country continued “offensive wars” against Indigenous people and “imperial wars” against competing European powers. Oliver Cromwell wanted to capture Jamaica, which the Spanish had laid claim to, and encouraged English people to settle there. Young men from New England often ventured to Barbados, working on merchant ships, building connections with plantation-owning enslavers there, and sending their wages home to family in New England.
Several families became prominent in New England, such as the Winthrops, Hutchinsons, and Shrimptons, among others, acting as political leaders and merchants. These wealthy families owned the most enslaved people and had the deepest economic and familial ties to the colonies in the West Indies. These families intermarried, creating one “extensive family” that effectively ruled New England.
Warren explains that enslaved people endured painful, disorienting, and often fatal voyages from their homelands to colonists’ homes and plantations. On the coast of Africa about one in five enslaved people would die in captivity before even reaching the slave ships, and 20-30% of enslaved people died during the ships’ sea voyages to Brazil or the West Indies. Slavers strategically selected people from different linguistic groups so they could not communicate with each other while on board. Enslaved people suffered numerous physical and emotional indignities during and after these journeys, including being inspected and sold naked. Warren reflects on the fear and confusion people must have experienced upon reaching Barbados, a very small, isolated island. Some of these people would then face yet another sea voyage to New England, where slavers sold them to English colonists.
Merchants and colonists shipped enslaved people to New England through major ports such as Boston, Charleston, and Salem. Over the course of the 17th century, slavery became more widespread geographically and socially throughout New England; wealthy people continued to own, on average, a handful of enslaved people, while poorer colonists often owned one or two. Legal documents from this period continue to treat enslaved people as property that could be inherited through a will or offered as a payment for debt. Enslaved people were considered very valuable, and so it was somewhat common for thieves to steal enslaved people and resell them in a different colony.
Before the arrival of English colonists and European traders, there were about 126,000-144,000 Indigenous people in the region later named New England.
These groups included hundreds of different communities which made up five different language groups. The English simplified and categorized these communities as such: the Pequots, Narragansetts, Pawkannawkuts, Massachusetts, and Pawtuckets. The colonists were concerned that these groups would become hostile, and so many members of their community were armed with muskets and swords. Some communities, such as the Plymouth Plantation, were surrounded by a tall wooden wall and watchtower.
Warren explains two types of colonization. The first is “extractive colonization,” in which a small group of settlers oversees the slave labor of natives or others who extract value from the land to profit the colonizers. The second is “settler colonization,” in which a large population of settlers permanently moves into a region, killing or displacing its native inhabitants. Warren labels New England a type of “settler colonization”: English colonists considered the presence of Indigenous inhabitants a problem that needed to be solved.
The displacement of Indigenous people was central to the goals of the English colonists, and this prompted differing views. Philosopher Francis Bacon maintained that it was morally better to cooperate with locals rather than remove them from the land. Captain John Smith agreed, urging English colonists to befriend the Indigenous inhabitants, arguing that it would be easier for their communities to have local friends rather than enemies. However, most colonists did not hold such cooperative views, and it became common to kill, displace, or enslave Indigenous people.
Indeed, Europeans had been enslaving Indigenous people of the Americas since their first contact with them. When Spain began colonizing South America in the 1500s, Spanish philosophers and theologians debated the legitimacy of forcing Indigenous people into slavery. Some argued that it was natural and reflected the will of God, while others maintained that Europeans should convert the natives to Christianity rather than enslave them. Some English colonists, such as John Eliot, agreed with this religious approach. Eliot missionized to local Indigenous people and organized “praying towns” for the converts to live in together. These communities were separate from the other Indigenous people, but also separate from the English colonists, who were often uncomfortable with the presence of Indigenous people residing close to colonist communities, even if they had converted.
One way that the colonists enslaved people was by taking prisoners of war. When the English colonists allied with the Narragansetts and warred against the Pequots, they captured Pequot women, men, and children. The colonists gave the women and children to the Narragansetts, but kept the men captive, executing some of them and selling others into slavery in Barbados. Another method of enslaving Indigenous people was taking people accused of crimes and making enslavement their punishment. This allowed the New England colonial authorities to remove the Indigenous person from the community and make a profit at the same time.
In 1675 colonists engaged in a war against numerous tribes and enslaved the men who surrendered to them. They sent a boat full of enslaved Indigenous men across the Atlantic to Tangiers, where they were rejected by slave traders. Colonists maximized their profits from the slave trade by selling younger, healthy men into slavery in Barbados, while older Indigenous people and children were sold to local colonists. As such, within New England, Indigenous women and children were more likely to be kept in servitude. New England had a vague legal process around slavery and emancipation, as evidenced by confusing court cases of people who were “accidentally” enslaved and never released.
Indigenous people feared being captured by the English and preferred to be captives of other Indigenous tribes, who would not displace them to the West Indies or treat them so severely. For instance, the Iroquois Confederacy enslaved their prisoners of war. Unlike English slavery, however, this state was not permanent, as captives were forcibly assimilated into their new culture and their children were not born into bondage. Warren concludes that the transatlantic slave trade thrived because of the various people, from African leaders to warring Indigenous factions and English colonists and merchants, who chose to engage in enslavement.
In her opening passages, Warren introduces her main thesis: New England’s first colonists participated in the transatlantic slave trade by purchasing enslaved African people, selling Indigenous people into slavery, and trading extensively with plantations in the West Indies. Warren’s frequent references to primary and secondary sources serve as Legal Records as a Window Into Slavery and support her argument that English colonists in the West Indies and New England had an interdependent economic relationship, of which slavery was a central feature. In explaining these points, Warren argues that colonization and slavery went hand in hand, demonstrating the intertwined nature of enslavement and colonization. Warren develops this theme from many angles, considering the economic, political, strategic, and moral factors that informed the English colonists’ decision to enslave both Indigenous people and, more commonly, African people.
Warren emphasizes how New England’s colonies developed in tandem with the transatlantic slave trade, by driving up demand for enslaved people, and, equally importantly, supporting the growth of West Indies cash crop plantations by trading them food. In Warren’s economic analysis, she suggests that New England’s colonists, with their relatively poor agricultural land and no mineral wealth, could not have turned profits in the way they did without slave labor, both at home and abroad in the West Indies. Warren explains, “Its land in terms of precious minerals was barren; its fields could grow none of the cash crops desired by the world market” (34). Warren carefully spells out the economic interdependence between these fledgling colonies:
But if New Englanders would grow the mundane crops and catch the fish, West Indian colonists could use slave labor to get on with the job of first tobacco and then that most lucrative crop, sugar. With the profits of sugar, English colonists in the Caribbean could buy what they needed to feed themselves and the slaves who produced the sugar that made their wealth. And so it was that New England merchants and fishers and farmers provisioned the great sugar colonies and over the seventeenth century turned substantial profits in the process (70).
Warren argues that this economic success had significant political ramifications, implying that New England’s growing wealth fostered the sense of community and self-sufficiency that ultimately led to colonists’ separatist sentiment and their Revolutionary War, since “it was a small step from economic clout to political disobedience” (73).
The author also considers the colonists’ strategic goals that underpinned their participation in the slave trade and their trading relationship with the West Indies. Their most prominent goal, of course, was to make profits from their farms and fishing operations. Enslaving people helped them to do so. In the long-term, enslaving people helped the colonists achieve their aim of removing the area’s Indigenous inhabitants and replacing them with enslaved people who would labor for the profit of the colony. Warren points out that, beginning in the 1630s, ships arrived in New England with enslaved Africans and left with enslaved Indigenous people: “The enslavement of Africans began in New England soon after the start of English colonization, proving to be the mirror process of Indian removal” (15). Militarily speaking, Warren posits that enslaving people, Indigenous people in particular, was a poor strategic decision by the colonists. This brutality angered the families and tribes of enslaved people, and thus further entrenched the colonists in conflict with Indigenous rivals. She writes, “Unsurprisingly, enslavement created enemies. This was a lesson that colonists in New England would repeatedly learn” (13).
The author also examines Religiosity and Morality in Colonist Perspectives on Slavery, explaining that the colonists permitted enslavement because they saw it as a natural feature of the human hierarchy, and a part of God’s will. What was important to them, Warren explains, was that Christians obeyed the biblical guidance to only enslave the “heathen,” or non-Christian, people around them (46). Warren suggests that these religious beliefs, in addition to colonists’ racist attitudes towards Africans, explain colonists’ lack of empathy for enslaved people and their embrace of slavery in general. By discussing the court case in which two colonists were tried for killing 100 African civilians and capturing two men into slavery, Warren shows that English colonists were more offended by violations of legal and religious traditions than by enslavement itself. The men were found guilty of theft, for taking the African men illegally rather than purchasing them, and murder, for killing the civilians. They were also punished for committing these acts on a Sunday. This case reveals that colonists had legal and moral standards around the practice of slavery, but these concerns did not extend to the welfare of the actual enslaved people themselves.
Warren adds nuance to her discussions on colonists’ morality by acknowledging that a minority of colonists disapproved of slavery. These people also rooted their opinion in biblical instruction, arguing that it would be more godly for colonists to convert, rather than enslave, foreign people. For instance, colonist John Eliot converted numerous Indigenous people to Christianity and discouraged the practice of enslaving them: “It seemeth to me...that to sell them away for slaves is to hinder the inlargment of [God’s] kingdom” (120). Warren’s discussion on English colonists’ notions of morality emphasizes their intense attachment to religious instruction and tradition, and their general regard of Indigenous and Black people as an inherently inferior slave class.
As Warren develops her arguments about New England’s substantial involvement in the slave trade, she also illuminates the experiences of enslaved people. For instance, Warren offers a summary of enslaved people’s experiences of being captured from their homes in West Africa and forced across the ocean on their transatlantic crossing: “In temperatures sometimes rising above one hundred degrees, the captives jostled for room and somehow steeled themselves for the nightmarish weeks and months to come” (89). Some chose suicide as a means of escape. If they survived this journey, enslaved people were then sold to plantation-owning enslavers or other colonists. Warren reflects, “It was surely a terrifying experience to be once again inspected and purchased by strangers” (90). Warren’s detailed summary illustrates the confusion and pain enslaved people endured and their different perspectives on their experiences.
Warren explains that people’s experience of enslavement differed quite substantially depending on where and how they were enslaved. In New England, enslaved people were forced to labor in a variety of positions and tasks: on farms, fishing boats and ports, and as household servants. Warren explains, “Some enslaved people in the region spoke English, and some did not; … Slaves in New England rode horses, managed warehouses, worked as nurses, dug wells, sailed on ships, and toiled in the fields” (19). There is some evidence that enslaved people in New England could be trained in specific skills by apprenticing with professionals and were allowed to inherit things from colonists’ wills, should they be included in them. For instance, an enslaved African man named Will served as an apprentice to a ship captain. Warren uses these examples to paint a picture of slavery in New England that is characterized by The Cultural Immersion of Enslaved People.
In the West Indies, however, enslaved people labored on sugar and tobacco plantations that were so grueling Warren compares them to a “death sentence” for enslaved people (67). These plantations’ had many dangers and a very high fatality rate for enslaved people: “From the hazards of cutting the cane, barefoot and with machetes, to the pressures of harvesting, to the dangers of the boiling houses, the plantation production of sugar was among the deadliest innovations known to humanity” (67). Warren’s insights help to illustrate the everyday life for enslaved people in the very different regions and situations they were forced into.