52 pages • 1 hour read
Philip Paul HallieA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
In Le Chambon, the presbytery and surrounding village both lacked vitality when the Trocmé family arrived. However, Magda and Trocmé soon transformed both the community and the presbytery. Instead of an attitude of inevitable difficulty, the Trocmés offered vibrancy and inspiration, primarily through founding the Cévenol secondary school, which attracted students, families, and faculty to the town to boost the economy. Trocmé recruited Theis, who had teaching experience, to help establish the school. The educational focus combined a philosophy of nonviolence and undergraduate exam preparation.
Initially, the school struggled both because of monetary concerns and the growing threat of Nazi Germany. Hitler’s failure to keep his promises to France generated anger in the French people, and conscientious objection to violence became unfashionable and unpatriotic. Therefore, external support for the school was scant. However, the school had Le Chambon’s local support, and regardless of other Protestant communities’ attitudes, the fundamental independence of Protestantism in France enabled the Cévenol school to thrive.
As Germany had increasing strategic success in Europe, refugees from European countries occupied by Germany sought safety in the south of France. This influx of refugees provided the Cévenol school with new students and teachers who joined the community. As the war raged, Trocmé and Theis preached the value of nonviolence and simultaneously condemned inaction. Trocmé was particularly critical of the US’s noninterventionist policies at the time.
In 1940, Germany and France signed the armistice that allowed for the German occupation of northern and western France. The unoccupied, or free, zone comprised the eastern and southern areas of France, including Le Chambon. The unoccupied zone was under the power of Marshal Pétain, an 84-year-old patriot and war hero who promised a unified France and a return to pre-Revolution glory. Pétain’s Vichy government, however, was tied to German powers and created an atmosphere of anti-resistance. The German-occupied north and west had various pockets of resistance because the German soldiers were generally brutal and threatening. The French police in the south were often kind and ignored small infractions. The threat seemed smaller, and resistance was a difficult choice. The Chambonnais, however, under Trocmé’s vigor, refused to bend to paralysis and chose to resist.
The first act of resistance was simply not participating in the fascist flag salute that Pétain required in all free and public schools in unoccupied France. The order was for all students and faculty to circle the French flag and give a fascist palm-down, straight-armed salute every morning. Trocmé and Theis refused this salute, and Darcissac suggested having the ceremony at his school and flagpole, separating the students and faculty from each school so that the Cévenol school’s population would be standing in the road. Theis told the students and faculty that they could participate if they chose, and soon both schools stopped participating. This small act of resistance met no response from police or the larger government, so it inspired the community by demonstrating the possibility of resistance. A few months later, the staff of the Cévenol school refused to sign an oath of loyalty to Pétain. Again, there was no reprisal, and the community was even more solidified in their nonviolent, personal resistance to tyranny.
In 1941, Trocmé received an order from the mayor of Le Chambon to ring the presbytery bell at noon on August 1 to celebrate Pétain. Trocmé told the custodian of the presbytery, Amélie, not to ring the bell. As a Darbyite, she protested anything and everything contrary to her conscience. Therefore, when women from town came to the presbytery and tried to ring the bell themselves, she refused to allow them to come in, barring the door with her body. Rather than getting soaked in the rain, the women left, and Trocmé’s resistance was honored.
A year later, Trocmé had the opportunity to resist the Vichy campaign to openly and publicly support the Nazi regime. Georges Lamirand visited Le Chambon as part of the Vichy strategy to recruit the youth of France. Several events were planned to welcome Lamirand, all of which Trocmé undermined. At the welcome banquet, Nelly Trocmé spilled soup down Lamirand’s back. When Lamirand was led through the village, there was no fanfare, only gray buildings. The sermon, delivered by a Swiss pastor, and remarks given by a Chambonnais both focused on the value of obedience to the authority of government, as long as that did not endorse breaking the rules of God—namely, “you shall love thy neighbor as thyself” (101). Finally, Trocmé’s students gave Lamirand a letter starkly refusing to follow any orders that required the deportation or relocation of Jews. Lamirand left, flustered, and directed them to the local prefect. The prefect was angry at Trocmé and threatened to have him deported if he didn’t follow orders.
The letter to Lamirand specifically cited the detention of Jewish people in Paris at the Vélodrome d’Hiver (or Vel d’Hiv) sports arena in the summer of 1942. After the arrest of roughly 28,000 non-French Jews in Paris, the single people were transported to a concentration camp, while families were detained at the Vel d’Hiv in Paris. The conditions were horrific, and all the children detained at Vel d’Hiv were taken to Auschwitz and died there or in transit.
Two weeks after Lamirand came to Le Chambon, a police chief arrived and ordered Trocmé to give him a list of all Jewish refugees in Le Chambon. Trocmé refused on two counts: First, he had no such list since he had actively avoided knowing refugees’ real names; second, even if he had a list, he would not have turned it over. Trocmé left the police chief and immediately mobilized the Boy Scouts and youth group leaders to warn the refugee population. After three weeks of searches, only two people were found and arrested. One was released after he was determined to not be Jewish, and the other was transported to Germany.
The morning after the police arrived in Le Chambon, Trocmé and Theis gave a sermon on “cities of refuge” from the Bible (109). In essence, this sermon communicated that the obligation of the citizens of a City of Refuge is to prevent harm to those who seek refuge, not simply to avoid doing harm themselves. Perhaps as a result, whenever a police raid occurred in the future, mysterious sources warned the Trocmés—likely local Vichy police who were more sympathetic with Trocmé and Le Chambon than with the distant government and the Nazis.
The book describes Le Chambon and the presbytery at length, and the vividness and depth of these descriptions serve two purposes. The first is to further personalize the village for readers. Up to this point, the discussion focused on vibrantly characterizing the Trocmés, arguing that the village was special because of the people’s response to Trocmé’s leadership. In these chapters, however, the text begins to frame the village as a character in its own right. Its history and culture made it the perfect space for nonviolent resistance and the allegiance to Trocmé that becomes more evident later in the book. The transformation of the presbytery mirrored the transformation of the community under Trocmé’s influence. Just as Trocmé infused the presbytery with life and color, he infused the town with a vibrant dedication to spiritual, intellectual, and economic growth.
The use of rhetorical questions highlights the emotional, mental, and moral challenges of resistance in unoccupied France in 1940. One of the things that impressed and inspired Hallie about the actions that people took in Le Chambon was how rare the nonviolent resistance and individual action seen there was during that time in that part of the world. Many people throughout Europe chose self-preservation or willful ignorance rather than the risks taken by those in Le Chambon. Questions regarding Pétain’s rule invite readers to understand those who did nothing as well as the Chambonnais: “Dared you say no to a man who had restored the essential France in the very teeth of military defeat?” (87). This question demonstrates the challenge of a typical French person during the rise of Vichy control. Furthermore, the relative kindness of the French police created a conflict for anyone considering resistance: “How dare you turn your hand against these basically kind fellow Frenchman?” (88). The text shows (rather than tells) that the pressure to accept the new status quo was as internal as it was external and that few people could withstand those combined pressures. Thus, the text shows that the people of Le Chambon had an immensely strong moral backbone, thematically developing The Morality of Nonviolence.
Hallie contrasts Trocmé’s style of leadership with those of dictators, many of which were disastrously captivating nations during this period. While dictators like Hitler, Franco, Mussolini, and Pétain ruled by inspiring fear and perpetrating violence via edict and swift punishment, Trocmé led by example and inspiration. Rather than holding himself in a superior position to his followers, he compared himself to them. The text notes that Trocmé’s “kind of originality generated originality in others. It did not stifle that originality, the way a dictator using fear and hypnotic charisma stifles the originality of his followers” (92). This focus on originality and inspiration offers an implicit argument that nonviolence encourages individuality, democracy, and close community relationships, while violence breeds fear and distrust.
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