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62 pages 2 hours read

Jill Leovy

Ghettoside

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2015

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Themes

Black-on-black Violence

The main topic of Ghettoside is the issue of black-on-black violence—homicide in particular, but also the myriad other forms of violence that take place, including, e.g., almocide, a term used to describe shootings and other violence that nearly kill the victim, but do not. (The man in the wheelchair who provided key information, for example, had been paralyzed in a seemingly arbitrary shooting.) Leovy presents this topic as one that is simultaneously understood and misunderstood, in that the public and law enforcement are aware of the problem, yet largely uninterested in uncovering the roots of the problem or taking steps to solve it. The media, for example, rarely reports on shootings in South Central, and even when it does, the reports are strikingly at odds with the real events. For example, late in the book, a 13-year-old shooting victim who had been wearing an absurdly-outdated orange bandana was described as essentially a hardcore gang member in the news report. Law enforcement, likewise, is largely unconcerned by the violence, choosing to believe that in ghettoside violence, there are no real victims, and that violence is just part of black culture.

Leovy attacks this from multiple angles. Her thesis can be understood more simply as that black-on-black violence is not only a problem that can be solved, but must be solved for both humanitarian and practical reasons. Black-on-black violence is not a problem that arose from any inherent cultural acceptance in Leovy’s telling, but rather is a direct result of systemic racism throughout the history of the United States. As communal justice was curtailed in the larger public, in the South, blacks were largely ignored, and local violence was rarely punished if the victim wasn’t white. Leovy shows that, historically, in places of lawlessness, a shadow legal system that includes communal justice takes the place of the formal, ineffective legal system; further, in such places, the ability to kill gives way to dark forces such as gangs that ostensibly exist to keep the peace. Therefore, in the South, prior to the great migrations, black violence was tolerated; as a result, black lives were felt to be meaningless in the eyes of the law, including by other black people: that is, blacks were fair targets for murder and other kinds of violence.

When blacks migrated to the larger urban areas of the United States at points throughout the 20th century, this form of communal justice was exported to their enclaves and reinforced by continued apathy on the part of law enforcement. Larger concentrations of people, combined with immobility due to poverty—also a product of systemic racism—led to an explosion of violence and ultimately to the draconian punishments of the modern legal system, which, Leovy argues, are less effective than swift punishment. Ghettoside, therefore, makes the case that in order to solve black-on-black violence, police must be dedicated to quickly solving and convicting murders and murderers, demonstrating (a) to the violent that their violence will not go unpunished, and (b) to the community that communal justice is not required. 

The Tragedy of Circumstance

Ghettoside, in addressing black-on-black violence, also makes the case that circumstance matters more than people typically believe in our outcomes. Leovy portrays the community as, in many respects, trapped: her point regarding the relative immobility of blacks is that while racism has kept many other minority groups in bad jobs, such jobs have historically not been open to blacks in the first place, which has led to an immobile poverty that keeps the people of South Central trapped, whereas other impoverished communities experience much lower rates of violence because they have the ability to leave if necessary. A frequent refrain among gang members and those adjacent to gang life is that they, mostly, do not want to be part of it—many fell into it or were forced into it when they were younger, but have been unable to escape. Starks and Davis both ended up accepting protective custody in prison to allow them to sever their gang ties, and Midkiff struggled for years to escape a cycle of prostitution, abuse, and poverty prior to Skaggs’s assistance.

Circumstance is addressed in other ways, as well. Many of the victims in Ghettoside have no known gang ties and often find themselves simply in the wrong place at the wrong time, perhaps wearing the wrong colors. This includes Bryant Tennelle; it was believed, for example, that his Astros hat may have contributed to his killing, as a symbol of gang affiliation; however, it was later suggested that the only thing that seemed to have made him a target was that he was a black man at a moment when Devin Davis needed someone to kill. Many detractors throughout the book look for ways to assign blame, but Leovy suggests that circumstance is often the only (immediate) thing to blame.

Methods of Policing

Ghettoside frequently interrogates methods and philosophies of policing and criminal justice more broadly. At the one end are the many who have no real philosophical approach to the job, which Leovy characterizes as the (lack of) philosophy of most of the police force, at least in Los Angeles: most officers, and even most detectives, according to Leovy, view their job as a very surface-level crime suppression position without thinking much about what it means to suppress crime, or how to best go about doing so.

When police do consider these matters, though, they broadly fall into two camps in two areas. First is the proactive versus reactive camp. Proactive policing, favored by the “brass,” is policing that attempts to prevent crime through innovative techniques. Leovy seems to argue that this kind of policing sounds good on the surface, but in reality is neutral, at best, and malicious at worst, as it leads to problematic policies such as “broken windows” or “stop and frisk” policing. In contrast, detectives such as Skaggs believe in reactive policing. Although this philosophy is less publicly-favored, Ghettoside argues that in the long run, reactive policing is more effective, explicitly because it shows the community that its society is not lawless, while implicitly still allowing for its freedom. The book sometimes allows for proactive methods—e.g., it seems to be sympathetic toward Coughlin’s methods of using drug charges as a pretext for finding weapons—but it generally sides with the reactive approach.

The other area is in technological methods, used in a very broad sense to mean an approach that is manual and instinctive versus an approach that is rooted in high-tech solutions and science. The book appears to prefer the former—though Skaggs, for example, is very neat and organized, he approaches his investigations more intuitively and tends to document only what he feels is truly important, relying on his own memory for everything else. Other areas are more overtly critical of explicitly-technological solutions; for example, the book describes the NIBIN system implemented to make computerized matches from guns to weapons as being completely ineffective, whereas it was the skilled eye of Daniel Rubin, using low-tech methods, that actually made the match between the murder weapon and the bullets.

Forging One’s Path

Throughout the book, we are presented with people who must make decisions that run counter to the established wisdom and procedure in order to forge their own paths. Skaggs, for example, dropped out of college after just one year because it didn’t work for him, instead choosing to enter the police force, while Wally Tennelle took a demotion and a pay cut in order to continue doing work he actually enjoyed doing, on top of his choice to live in the city itself, unlike most of his colleagues. His son, likewise, did not follow a typical path; academics were not his strong point, but he eventually found his own way and was set to start a good government job prior to his murder. Even Nathan Kouri provides an example of this: through much of the book, he seems to flounder as a homicide detective, and it is only once he accepts that he lacks Skaggs’s intuitive feel for the job and finds his own way to be successful in it. Ghettoside does not present alternative routes as problematic or less than the more established routes—to some extent it valorizes them, prizing thinking outside of the box as the preferred approach to living, but, in any case, it allows room for them, and this acts as a basis for understanding not only people who eschew the chosen route, but a more open-minded understanding of the mores that exist in places like Watts. 

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