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40 pages 1 hour read

bell hooks

Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1984

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Themes

Feminism and the Family

bell hooks argues against 19the 80’s mainstream feminist movements’ attacks on family life. Feminist leaders were primarily wealthy, privileged, and highly educated white women who argued that liberation from sexist oppression could be achieved by entering the workforce and becoming financially independent from the men in their lives. hooks counters that this inadvertently creates tension in the economy and job market by reducing the number of jobs available to marginalized men and women, and it ignores the economic and social realities of women who have always had to support their families through work.

In the text, family is a complicated site of power. hooks criticizes the family dynamics of Western societies, particularly in the United States, by arguing that “sexist oppression perverts and distorts the positive function of family” (38). Because families replicate patriarchal systems of power, they lose the support and love that family units can provide. Nevertheless, hooks points out that “many black women find the family the least oppressive institution” (38) precisely because Black families emphasize community, self-worth, and support. If the feminist movement can reform the common conception of families as patriarchal and indebted to power structures (in that a husband has absolute power over his wife, and parents have absolute power over their children), then it can build a more inclusive community. hooks supports reevaluating family life to acknowledge the positive impacts it can have on society as a whole. The family is not something that needs to be escaped; rather, it must be reshaped to provide support and social encouragement.

Hooks asserts that because many privileged, white feminists are housewives looking to escape the confining roles of mother and wife by entering a profession, they undervalue the positive aspects a family can hold and suggest that an individualistic, career-driven life is more valuable than a family-led one. Furthermore, by championing work as the best path to liberation, white feminists essentially remove the voices of marginalized and working women from the feminist conversation. “As workers, poor and working-class women knew from their experiences that work was neither personally fulfilling nor liberatory—that it was for the most part exploitative and dehumanizing” (98) to work for companies, institutions, and individuals that perpetuate patriarchy, capitalism, and white supremacy. hooks notes that the second wave ebbed in part because white women who did enter the workforce were disappointed by the lack of equitable respect they were presented with.

In order to address this issue of work, hooks believes that feminists must recognize that work in itself is not a path to liberation; this is demonstrably true because women who have always worked are not freer than wealthy housewives who never worked. hooks argues that systems of power and domination cause individuals overvalue wage labor and devalue domestic labor and family life. Her solutions to this include recentering family life and ending hierarchies within the home. This includes elevating the importance of fatherhood, decoupling childrearing and homemaking from women’s role in their families, and emphasizing community care for children. In this way, we can demonstrate solidarity within our families and our communities.

The Importance of Solidarity in Feminist Movement

Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center emphasizes the need to coordinate a unified front against systems of power, oppression, sexism, and domination, all of which are interrelated and affect both men and women on all levels of society. bell hooks’s theory necessitates full solidarity against all systems of oppression rather than orienting against men, male behavior, or one single form of oppression.

hooks argues that “we must learn the true meaning and value of Sisterhood” (43) by first acknowledging the classist and racist divides within the feminist movement itself. hooks asserts that feminism has so far been unsuccessful in truly addressing sexist oppression because marginalized women are still undervalued and discriminated against. Using her own experiences as a student in the women’s studies program at Stanford University, hooks shows how feminist theory and praxis excludes women who are not educated, wealthy, or white. Until feminist leaders recognize the need to include class and race issues in their reform agendas, hooks does not believe that they will ever be able to effectively organize and achieve change.

hooks does not limit her theory of solidarity to women. Chapter 5 of Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center discusses how men are also victims of sexist oppression alongside women and are crucial comrades in the feminist movement. She argues that redefining male behaviors around work, power, and fatherhood can help align men more closely with feminist ideals. Throughout this book, hooks frequently remarks on the need for community organization as well as destroying the social boundaries that cause every kind of discrimination. She advocates for a society in which all people are in solidarity with one another and are invested in the mutual growth, support, and political reform that the feminist movement can achieve.

hooks’s main objective in writing this book is “to build a mass-based feminist movement [with] a liberatory ideology that can be shared with everyone” (163). She addresses all aspects of society, from the family unit to Supreme Court appointments, and all people irrespective of class or race. The only way to end sexist, racist, and classist oppression is for all members of society to work toward the common good rather than their own benefit. Solidarity, then, is key to understanding hooks’s proposed feminist praxis.

The Need for Educational Reform

When bell hooks wrote Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center, feminist leaders were exclusively wealthy, white, educated women. One of the primary themes in this book is the relationship between educational access and social reform. hooks herself is privy to both sides of the educational divide, as she grew up in a marginalized community but attended Stanford University’s women’s studies program. Her perspective allows her to present her readers with a more nuanced argument on how educational access informs political power structures and participation in reform movements.

Her main argument is for members of the feminist movement to include class and race in their understanding of sexist oppression. This can only be achieved, hooks argues, if more individuals from the margins feel welcome to participate in feminist organizations and join in solidarity with others. To achieve this, marginalized and underrepresented communities must access education that explains feminist ideologies and goals. Literacy should not be taken for granted, as many people who do not reach college or high school level literacy expectations are necessarily excluded from the feminist movement. “As part of her or his political commitment to feminism, a positive praxis for any academic would be offering women’s studies courses at a local community center” (111) or another site that offers free, accessible instruction. hooks also proposes door-to-door and word-of-mouth explanations of feminist teachings as viable ways to bring the feminist movement to communities that can’t access literacy education.

hooks’s passion for educational reform is rooted in her own experiences, and she shares an anecdote about returning to Kentucky to give a lecture on Black women as feminist community leaders. She explains how it was difficult to craft this talk to address the various levels of literacy in her audience and states that “[w]ith this in mind, I began to think in terms of translation” (112). By this, hooks means that she actively “translates” between different literacy levels to convey ideas through speech, written word, and community organization. In so doing, she addresses her concerns that “difficulty of access has been a problem with much feminist theory” (112). Her work directly combats the traditional academic style of white feminists, who use academic language and speak in privileged, academic spaces that exclude many women and men who would benefit from learning about feminist ideology. hooks carries this ideology into her writing style, which prioritizes clear, direct language and defines difficult or unusual terms so everyone can understand her work.

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