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Eric MetaxasA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
During a visit to Ruth von Kleist-Retzow, the Prussian patroness of Bonhoeffer’s covert seminary work, Bonhoeffer met her granddaughter, Maria von Wedemeyer, for the first time since she was 12. Bonhoeffer had long maintained pastoral contacts with the family and had not been looking for a romantic relationship, but he was struck by Maria’s intelligence and passion.
Over the following months, Maria's family faced the tragic loss of her father and brother, so Bonhoeffer made no rapid attempts to strike up a further connection with Maria, but instead spent time seeking God’s guidance. Maria was many years his junior, and he was increasingly involved in dangerous, life-threatening work, both of which weighed against beginning a romance. Around the same time, however, Maria’s grandmother Ruth was hospitalized for an illness. Bonhoeffer and Maria’s visits often overlapped, prompting Ruth to notice the growing connection between them and encouraging their interactions. However, Maria's mother grew concerned that things were progressing too quickly and took steps to intervene.
Initially surprised by the notion of a romantic relationship, Maria eventually embraced her feelings for Bonhoeffer, who reciprocated. They moved slowly, taking periods apart to think and pray and make room for her mother’s reservations, but in the end they decided to get engaged.
The conspiracy against Hitler had finally reached the point where they were ready to make an attempt on Hitler’s life. The first plot involved sneaking a bomb onto Hitler’s plane. This was accomplished, with almost everything going according to plan, except that the bomb mysteriously failed to detonate. The next attempt was to have one of the conspirators volunteer to wear an overcoat stuffed with bombs at an event where he would be close to Hitler, but the Führer did not stay as long at the event as anticipated, and the chemicals in the bombs did not have sufficient time to work through the seal and explode.
The conspirators among the Bonhoeffer clan were all together, nervously awaiting news of the assassination attempt while they prepared for a celebration of Karl Bonhoeffer’s 75th birthday. Their hopes were dashed by the news of the second failure. The birthday celebration would be the last time the Bonhoeffers were all together, as the Gestapo was beginning to close in on the circle of conspirators.
In early April 1943, the Gestapo arrested both Dohnanyi and Bonhoeffer, which began the period of incarceration that took Bonhoeffer all the way to his execution. He was taken first to Tegel Prison and put in Cell 92, which would be his home for the majority of the period to follow.
This lengthy chapter chronicles Bonhoeffer's 18 months of imprisonment. His treatment in the prison, at first suffering abuse, moderated somewhat as the prison officers came to respect him. During this period, he wrote many letters to his parents and Eberhard Bethge, as well as romantic notes to Maria. He knew all of his letters would be looked over by prison officials or intelligence officers, so careful codes were used, often by way of marked books that were sent back and forth in packages.
During his imprisonment, Bonhoeffer continued his theological reflections and writings, especially in his correspondence with Bethge (many of these letters would later be published as Letters and Papers from Prison). From these thoughts emerged his controversial concept of “religionless Christianity.” This idea posited that religion often distorts Christianity, with Bonhoeffer suggesting that true faith involves wholly dedicating oneself to discerning and acting upon God's will. Metaxas leans on Bethge’s own reflections to argue that liberal theologians, who have regarded the idea as proof of Bonhoeffer’s own liberal theological leanings, have in fact misinterpreted the notion by interpreting the term “religion” far more broadly than Bonhoeffer intended.
Meanwhile, in the ongoing conspiracy to eliminate Hitler, the leaders of the first attempts were slowly being identified and cleared away by the Gestapo. This made their involvement in subsequent attempts almost impossible, but it also cleared the way for a new group of conspirators to emerge, centered around Claus von Stauffenberg.
Claus von Stauffenberg, a member of the Nazi leadership who had long been disillusioned with the regime, made a desperate last effort to assassinate Hitler as Germany faced inevitable defeat. He planted a bomb under a table in direct proximity to where Hitler was standing, and although this time the bomb actually went off and devastated the room, Hitler himself emerged almost entirely unscathed.
This assassination attempt brought a renewed crackdown on conspiracies. The Gestapo’s fervent efforts to root out all possible conspirators led them back to Dohnanyi’s files, in which Bonhoeffer himself was implicated. Bonhoeffer had hoped he might be let off from the minor charge for which they had been holding him (the financial exchange with Switzerland in the earlier covert Abwehr work), but now the extent of his involvement began to come into the open.
As Germany was bombed into submission, Bonhoeffer and his fellow prisoners were moved to harsher prisons, first to a Gestapo facility, then to the Buchenwald concentration camp. An earlier escape attempt had not come to fruition, and so Bonhoeffer knew that his future lay either with Allied liberation or execution at the Nazis’ hands, but he was prepared for death as the final stage of his journey if it came to that.
Having been moved from Tegel, Bonhoeffer was no longer able to keep in contact with family and friends via letters, so the only sources about this period in his life come from reflections later written down by fellow prisoners, such as the British officer Captain S. Payne Best. Best described Bonhoeffer as consistently cheerful and deeply connected to God, more so than anyone else he had ever known.
The little group of prisoners who were incarcerated together were a broad mix of personalities, including intellectuals, officers of the military and the civil service, prisoners of war, and even disgraced former Nazis, like the man who had helped invent the mass murder systems in the gas chambers. After seven weeks in a Buchenwald cellar, the prisoners were loaded into a van to be taken somewhere else, but no one knew where.
Bonhoeffer, Best, and their fellow prisoners were at the mercy of the van drivers, who did not always seem to know what they were doing or where they were supposed to go. The prisoners initially thought the van was designed to gas them to death, as it was full of smoke and fumes, but this turned out merely to be the mechanism of the van’s engine.
They were first taken to Flossenburg, another concentration camp, but were turned away due to overcrowding. Eventually, they were moved to another facility where they were reunited with other prisoners. The morning after their arrival, Bonhoeffer—ever seeking to be a pastor to those around him—led a prayer service. Then Nazi officers arrived to take him back to Flossenburg, where he and several conspirators were tried and sentenced to death. He approached his sentence with courage and grace. According to Best’s account, “[Bonhoeffer] drew me aside—‘This is the end,’ he said. ‘For me the beginning of life’” (528).
Two weeks after his execution, Flossenburg was liberated by the Allied advance, and the world received news of Bonhoeffer’s passing. His family grieved, but were proud in their grief. Bonhoeffer’s friend, Bishop George Bell, organized a memorial service for him at Holy Trinity Brompton church in London, at which both Bell and Hildebrandt spoke.
The final set of chapters in the biography are a mix of short chapters (such as those dealing with the assassination attempts) and very long chapters (especially Chapter 28, “Cell 92 at Tegel Prison”). The short chapters tend to focus on rapid-fire events or fluid, quickly-moving situations, including not only the assassination plots but also Bonhoeffer’s final movements from Tegel to Flossenburg. The sharp disjunction in length with Chapter 28 emphasizes the unexpected way in which Bonhoeffer’s life, in which affairs had been accelerating toward the conspiracy’s goals, suddenly struck a long hiatus. The literary structure thus mimics the jarring switch to inaction that characterized Bonhoeffer’s experience.
Another notable literary feature in this section is the use of long primary-source extracts. Metaxas has made use of primary sources throughout the book, often of short to medium lengths, such as a paragraph or two from a letter. In this set of chapters, and especially in Chapter 28 and the end of Chapter 31, primary-source extracts form a major portion of the text, sometimes running to several pages in length. This helps to demonstrate the importance of the writings and reflections produced during Bonhoeffer’s incarceration, which were later published as Letters and Papers from Prison. These extracts also underscore the continuing importance of communal relationships in Bonhoeffer’s view of the Christian life. Now cut off from his friends and family, his correspondence takes on a new importance in his life, as the main avenue by which he maintains that communal link.
In this final section of the book, the second of Metaxas’s four subtitled roles for Bonhoeffer (pastor, martyr, prophet, spy) finds its realization (Metaxas appears to have listed it second rather than fourth for reasons of style and cadence, not of chronology.) While readers got a glimpse of Bonhoeffer the martyr in the book’s Prologue, it is not until the final chapter that that role takes center-stage of his narrative. Even as a prisoner in Chapters 28-30, Bonhoeffer was still hopeful of an eventual release, either by avoiding the worst conspiracy charges or by the Allied liberation of Germany. It is thus not until the very end that he becomes fully aware of his coming martyrdom, but it is a role for which he has prepared himself, forming a key component of The Nature of Christian Identity and Practice for Bonhoeffer.
Bonhoeffer’s reflections on death in his final months of imprisonment are filled with a hope born of his faith in Christ, and they reveal the fact that even while he hoped for release, death was very much on his mind. It is his status as a martyr—one who has given his life for his faith—that has won him such persistent interest over the subsequent decades. While he may have been remembered as an important practical theologian if he had survived, his death at the hands of the Nazis tied his story to the wider phenomenon of Resistance Against Oppressive Regimes, which added another dimension to his legacy. He is now regarded as one of the leading Christian figures of the 20th century.
This final act of Bonhoeffer’s life ties together The Interplay Between Faith and Political Action. By carrying out his role in the conspiracy to the utter end—execution at the enemy’s hands—he proved by example much of what he had said about the nature of his Christian faith, the dynamics between faith and political action, and the necessity of resisting oppressive regimes. His faith was an enacted faith, driven by a sense of direct personal obedience to Christ himself. Bonhoeffer’s teaching emphasized the practical, real-world enaction of the way of Christ in one’s daily life, and his life ended in much the same way that Jesus’s had: An unjust execution. In seeking to demonstrate his faith through active political resistance, Bonhoeffer thus lived by the principles expressed throughout his theological works.
By Eric Metaxas