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Eric MetaxasA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Hitler was not a practicing Christian, though he was a keen enough politician to play at it when he needed to look the part. Many of his early speeches are thick with rhetoric that would sound familiar to his Lutheran public. Many of his closest associates in the Nazi party, however, were outwardly anti-Christian. They had come to see the world through a Nietzschean lens, not a Christian one, so they reviled Christianity’s emphasis on redemptive suffering, meekness, humility, and kindness, preferring instead to trump up values of strength, confidence, and courage. Raw power, not love, was the central idea that made the world move.
The anti-Christian nature pf the Nazi position is readily seen in some of their documents, as in the Nazi leader Rosenburg’s plan to transition Christian churches into Nazi ones by replacing the Bible with Hitler’s Mein Kampf, trading the cross for the swastika, and gradually clearing out all other visible traces of Christian heritage. The new German Christians, under their prospective leader Müller, were already moving in that direction, with many of their leaders happy to downplay Christian theology to make room for a greater emphasis on Nazi theology.
The rising tension between Nazi pressure on the church and the slow but growing pushback from pastors set up a phase in German Christianity known as the “church struggle.” In this, Bonhoeffer would emerge as one of the main players on the side of the resistance. Other leaders would also emerge, like the pastor Martin Niemöller, but at this stage Niemöller was still convinced that Hitler was a blessing for Germany, and that all the problems were coming from the German Christian movement, not from Hitler.
The resistance pastors managed to get a fitting bishop, Friedrich von Bodelschwingh, elected to the head position of the German church, rather than Hitler’s pick of Ludwig Müller. Helped by Hitler’s SA thugs, Müller raided the church offices and Bodelschwingh resigned in the face of growing resistance. A new election was called, and this time the German Christians and Hitler used every tool available to secure a win for Müller. This pushed Bonhoeffer and his contingent to consider a new move: Drafting a confession of faith to highlight the differences between their idea of a true German Christianity and the Nazi-fied heresies spouted by the so-called German Christians.
In the same summer of 1933 when the “church struggle” was taking shape, Bonhoeffer received an invitation from Theodor Heckel, one of the state church’s officials, to serve as pastor for London’s German expatriates. Bonhoeffer went to London to see the posting for himself, and then he stopped at a care center which Bodelschwingh ran for people with disabilities, at a place called Bethel. There the full value of every human being, no matter how disabled, was impressed on him—a dramatic distinction from the directions in which Nazi values were headed: “It is sheer madness, as some believe today, that the sick can or ought to be legally eliminated” (184).
While at Bethel, Bonhoeffer authored a confession of faith which he hoped he could get other like-minded pastors to sign onto. Ultimately, however, his draft was so watered down by the editing of theologians who thought he had gone too far that the document failed to represent what he had hoped for. Chastened and saddened by this, Bonhoeffer left Germany for a time and accepted the London post.
Meanwhile, the state church continued to morph ever further toward Nazism. At the Brown Synod they not only accepted the Aryan paragraph but made it retroactive, barring non-“Aryan” clergy even if they had already been ordained to the ministry. Bonhoeffer and his friend Hildebrandt felt the time for schism had come, but other leaders, like Barth and Niemöller, were not yet ready for such drastic action.
Nevertheless, in response to the Brown Synod, a new band of resistance leaders rose up: The Pastors’ Emergency League, who would coordinate their efforts to bring the German church back in line with the historic Christian faith. Bonhoeffer also used his contacts in the ecumenical movement to draw negative global attention to Hitler’s program to change the German church. Bonhoeffer’s activism prompted a rebuke from Heckel, the overseer who had placed him in London, but Bonhoeffer feared what Hitler’s policies represented and was determined to stop them. The argument he was pressing on his colleagues would soon come into sharper clarity when a German Christian rally gave ordinary laypeople a glance at what their program really entailed: Stripping their faith of anything Jewish, including the Old Testament of the Bible and the story of a crucified Messiah.
In London, Bonhoeffer resumed his parish-based pastoral work, for which he was just as gifted as academic theology. He cultivated a close relationship with George Bell, the influential British bishop of Chichester, who would actively take part in resisting the changes in the German state church and, with Bonhoeffer’s help, bring global Christian condemnation down on its forfeiture of traditional Christian doctrine. Others, like Karl Barth, pleaded for Bonhoeffer to get back to Berlin, where he was needed for the resistance. However, pastoring in London would prove advantageous for Bonhoeffer, giving him access to the global church and the ecumenical movement in a way that raised the work of the Pastors’ Emergency League to new heights.
Bonhoeffer began using his leverage in London to move the expatriate German churches toward threatening a break with the state church. In the midst of all this, some of the sermons that he preached seemed to indicate that he was coming to understand his own calling as that of a suffering prophet, one who—like Jeremiah in the Bible—was being called to a road of sacrifice.
Things had reached such a point with the church struggle that a personal audience between Niemöller and Hitler himself was arranged. This was the turning point for Martin Niemöller: Finding himself attacked and treated as a traitor, all of Niemöller’s hopeful delusions about Hitler were shattered. The gulf between the state church and the pastors who formed the resistance was growing rapidly.
At a special meeting in Berlin, Bonhoeffer met with other leaders of the Pastors’ Emergency League. They coordinated their efforts with the league and the ecumenical movement to move the church struggle to its definitive breaking point, where no one would any longer be able to confuse the German state church with their own Christianity. They planned a synod for the end of May 1934, and there they affirmed Karl Barth’s Barmen Declaration, a clear repudiation to the German Reichskirche and a confession of their own claim to Christian orthodoxy.
With the Barmen Declaration in print, Bonhoeffer believed the matter was settled: No one could any longer mistake the German state church for representing all German Christians, and the churches signed to the declaration—now called the Confessing Church—would represent what he regarded as true German Christianity. He was upset to find that the ecumenical movement did not see the matter in that light, but regarded the Barmen Declaration as merely creating a second German church. As such, both the Reichskirche and the Confessing Church were offered places at an upcoming ecumenical conference. All this took place as Hitler was further consolidating his power, eliminating political opponents and emerging as the sole center of political authority.
These chapters introduce a major new storyline in Bonhoeffer’s career: The “church struggle” period between the German Christian movement and the pastors of the resistance, which ultimately led to the split between the Nazi Reichskirche and the Confessing Church. As before, Metaxas uses a narrative structure that alternates back and forth between Bonhoeffer’s personal story and the broader story of developments in Germany, as seen especially in Chapter 11, which is devoted to the growing influence of Nazi values in German churches. Through these church struggles, The Interplay Between Faith and Political Action becomes more prominent.
Of the four roles which Metaxas highlights for Bonhoeffer (pastor, martyr, prophet, spy), this section again draws attention to the pastoral and prophetic roles. In this section, the pastoral role again takes on a larger part of Bonhoeffer’s life, as he moves away from a primarily academic career and toward a clergy role in a London church. However, as in the previous section, it is the role of prophet that dominates in these chapters, as Bonhoeffer speaks out against the heresies of the German Christian movement. Even amongst circles of like-minded pastors and theologians, Bonhoeffer is notable for explicitly expressing the dangers of Hitler’s regime. This is evident, for example, in his Bethel Confession, which was amended to the point of rejection by his colleagues even though it correctly diagnosed the issues of the church struggle in ways that everyone would come to acknowledge just a few years later. Metaxas also points out the prophetic role in regard to Bonhoeffer’s own self-perception, noting that Bonhoeffer appears to have had an inkling that his role would be one of suffering and sacrifice, much like an Old Testament prophet.
Another literary element which Metaxas employs in this section is that of irony, pointing out the disjunction between the name of the so-called German Christians and the actual content of Christianity as a belief system. Despite the German Christians’ adoption of Christianized terminology, Metaxas presents them as being in many ways anti-Christian, radically opposed to the story and doctrines of the gospel of Jesus Christ. Bonhoeffer believes that any reasonable observer should be able to see that the German Christians are, in fact, not really Christians at all.
Another prominent theme in these chapters is Resistance Against Oppressive Regimes. Throughout the book, Bonhoeffer exemplifies four main ways of resisting such regimes, and two have already been noted in previous analysis sections: By using one’s own close circle of contacts to raise resistance, and by drawing negative public attention to the regime. Both of those methods continue in this set of chapters. Bonhoeffer works mostly through his networks of pastoral contacts in Germany, as well as some of his acquaintances in the wider ecumenical movement. Once he is in London, he does everything he can to draw negative public attention to the German Christian movement and the Reichskirche, appealing both to the Anglican Church and the ecumenical conference planners.
Beyond those two methods of resistance, a third is also added in this section: Building up institutions of ongoing long-term resistance. Two such institutions emerge from Bonhoeffer’s efforts and those of his colleagues: The Pastors’ Emergency League and the Confessing Church, both of which aim to put networks in place to continue challenging the Reichskirche. The Confessing Church, in particular, was meant to not only protect anti-Nazi Christianity from the German Christian movement, but to create a system whereby the church remained beyond the reach of Nazi ideology and could promote what Bonhoeffer saw as the true values of the gospel. The fourth method of resistance against oppressive regimes—direct political action against the regime—has not yet become part of Bonhoeffer’s story, but he already has seen its necessity on the horizon.
By Eric Metaxas