63 pages • 2 hours read
Hampton SidesA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Summary
Chapter Summaries & Analyses
Key Figures
Themes
Symbols & Motifs
Important Quotes
Essay Topics
Tools
General Kearny threw a Governor’s Ball in Santa Fe on the night of September 24, 1846. Through the diary of army wife Susan Magoffin, Sides reflects on the cast of characters. Susan was perhaps the first Anglo-American woman to journey so far into the southwest and “the sole American woman among 1,600 American men” (169). Only 18 years old, her diary captured a crucial part of American history.
Magoffin introduces a few locals like Madame La Tules, a local brothel owner, whom Magoffin relates as “stately” and having ”that shrewd sense and fascinating manner necessary to allure [young men] to the hall of final ruin” (165-6). The New Mexican women were generally dressed and behaved more provocatively, in the soldiers’ eyes, than their American counterparts.
But Susan spends more time on the American men, “the future of the territory: judges, bankers, engineers, businessmen, the whole new American imprint on the ancient country” (165-6). Highlights include Charles Bent, the owner of Bent’s Fort and a friend of Carson’s, who would become the governor of New Mexico when Kearny continued his conquest in California. Present too was Colonel Alexander Doniphan, who had no military training but was an accomplished defense lawyer who later would broker a truce with the Navajo. Finally, Magoffin moves to Kearny, who had become a father figure to her: “He was a fine conqueror, firm but beneficent, and the locals seemed to like him” (169-70). An efficient leader, Kearny did away with wasteful bureaucratic practices, like exploitative pricing on stamp paper, and concentrated on “fair and progressive statecraft” (170-2).
One perspective is notably missing: that of the New Mexicans, since “Spanish documents from the period are spotty and circumspect” (172). Despite the relative inoffensiveness of Kearny’s leadership, the New Mexicans likely still hoped the war might end in Mexico’s favor.
Narbona looked down on Kearny’s Fort Marcy and saw organized American troops drilling. Perhaps for the first time, he heard gunfire, a terrifying experience: “Many Native Americans at the time were said to have an overseeing, irrational fear of artillery” (174-5).
Narbona did not understand “American logic”: why they fought the Mexicans and, as soon as they conquered them, took the New Mexicans’ enemies as their own. These men, with their guns and their strange ways, were a wholly different beast: the bilagaana, “the New Men,” as Narbona called them. He saw only one option: making peace with the Americans (174-5).
On September 25, Kearny left Fort Marcy for California. The 300 dragoons he took with him were glad to be rid of Santa Fe, with its religious zealots, livestock, and vermin, “incongruities of culture” which they did not appreciate (179-81).
As they marched, Kearny’s men could see Mount Taylor in the distance—Blue Bead Mountain to the Navajo—from which they frequently raided New Mexican settlements. Despite his lofty promises, Kearny could do little to stop the raids. He left the Indian problem to his successor, Charles Bent, who would also struggle to address it. Offenses were committed by both the New Mexicans and the Navajo in what Sides calls “the grim metronome of life” (183). Although the Indians certainly antagonized the settlers, the settlers also regularly kidnapped Navajo children for slaves—“although slavery was technically illegal, anyone of means” owned an Indian slave (180-2).
Encamped at the ruins of a village called Valverde, Kearny met an unexpected ally: Kit Carson. Carson had been sent by Fremont and Stockton to deliver their dispatches to President Polk. Kearny quickly realized that Carson would be of more use as a guide for his army than a message boy for Stockton and Fremont, and he ordered Carson to hand over his dispatches and accompany him instead.
Carson, ever loyal to Fremont, “briefly agonized over what to do—agonizing being something he rarely engaged in” (187). He considered deserting, but eventually acquiesced to the advice of his comrades and to Kearny’s own authority, much as he had to Fremont’s. “‘He made me believe,’ Carson said, ‘that he had a right to order me’” (188). Carson turned back the way he came and led Kearny’s army, through difficult territory, into California.
In October 1846, a small group of 30 Americans, led by Captain John Reid, undertook a dangerous mission. The objective was simple, if stunningly tone deaf: Reid and his men would ride into Navajo territory and convince as many Indians as possible to attend the upcoming peace talks held by Alexander Doniphan.
One volunteer, Jacob Robinson, kept a journal describing this first contact between the Navajo and American soldiers. The Navajo told the men of Narbona, who was too sick to come meet them, and offered to escort them to his camp. As more and more Navajo slowly showed up, the unease of the Americans grew. Reid “now feared a trap but realized he had come too far to turn around now—he was utterly at the Navajos’ mercy” (193). The sense of alarm grew when they awoke one day to find their horses gone—taken to graze elsewhere and soon to be returned, according to the Navajo.
To their surprise, Narbona arrived, and was ready to talk peace. Notably, one of Narbona’s wives stood up—Navajo women enjoyed significantly greater rights than their Indian and even American counterparts—and suggested the Americans were outnumbered, the warriors should slay them. Narbona angrily shut her down. Instead, the Americans would be “lavished with Navajo hospitality” (195). Reid’s men were stunned at the incredible party thrown by the Navajo; the Americans marveled at the Navajos’ generosity, dancing, curiosity, and sense of humor. Both sides quickly became friends, although the peace would not last long.
That same month, Kearny, Carson, and company pushed through New Mexico to California, meeting various tribes along the way. Carson was ornery, not because he just because needed to retread the same territory, or because he’d been looking forward to seeing his wife, or because of his loyalties to Fremont. He was upset at his inability to achieve the “athletic grail” of crossing the continent in a record 60 days, and especially at being denied an opportunity to see Washington. “Carson, who had in effect been a field agent of Manifest Destiny, wanted to meet its prime movers” (199-200).
Kearny and Carson both believed the chance for glory in California was already over: They didn’t know that the Mexicans, roused by Robert Stockton’s harsh treatment, had revolted against the American occupation and had retaken much of California. Only San Diego remained in American control, and the fiercest fighting in the Mexican-American War lay ahead.
The journey across the New Mexico desert was brutal. The landscape was alien and hostile, particularly to mules and horses. Lieutenant Emory described the terrain and the suffering of the troops: “It is labor, labor from morning till night. I’m tired of this business. I wish it was over” (203-4). It seemed impossible to him that this could ever become a slave-holding place, or that a transcontinental train could ever cross it. The men finally found respite with the friendly tribes of the Pima and the Maricopa, who had used canals to create an oasis in the desert. They shared abundantly with the Americans.
In late November, a Mexican horseman was intercepted carrying letters revealing the disaster in California. Although the news was devastating, it ensured Carson’s energy was now fully engaged on the war effort. Realizing his perilous position, Kearny asked for reinforcements and was soon met by Archibald Gillespie and 39 Marines. Kearny, with Gillespie and Carson’s approval, decided to launch a night raid on a nearby force of Mexican fighters, led by Captain Andres Pico. He hoped to steal their horses and scare them off before they realized what poor condition the Army of the West was in. The surprise attack failed, though, and Kearny prepared his men for an all-out assault in the early hours of December 6, 1846.
The “settling” of the West involved disparate cultures coming in contact with each other. Chapter 21 opens with bells ringing, but they commemorate two distinct events: for the New Mexicans, a funeral for an elderly and beloved local man; for Kearny a Governor’s Ball. Inside, American soldiers judged the local women for their apparent promiscuity, of which they took full advantage in the local madame’s brothel. A mural had been painted in the ballroom by a local artist, depicting Kearny unrolling a constitution reading LIBERTAD for grateful locals.
Both New Mexican and Navajo women became objects of wonder to the Americans. Many Americans agreed that they found the New Mexican women more desirable than their American counterparts, even as they shamed New Mexican women for their behavior; Susan Magoffin was surprised to find Madame La Tules to be a keen businesswoman. American soldiers were also surprised at the apparent freedoms enjoyed by Navajo women, who rode horses just like men. “‘The women of this tribe seem to have equal rights with the men,’” one soldier wrote. “’Managing their own business and trading as they see fit; saddling their own horses, and letting their husbands saddle theirs’” (191). Notably, one of Narbona’s wives stood up in the assembly and recommended the Americans be killed. While Narbona shut her down, it seems he was more angry at the nature of her suggestion than at the fact that she spoke out.
Although there were pockets of unexpected freedom enjoyed in the West, it was haunted by an evil that would also split the east in two: slavery. At Kearny’s ball, a New Mexican woman used an Indian slave as a footstool. In the West, slavery was more “equal opportunity”; rather than simply enslaving one race (blacks), most cultural groups enslaved each other. Indians kidnapped both white women and Indian women and children from other tribes. New Mexicans regularly went on slave raids to abduct Indians:
There was also a phenomenon known as the “New Mexican Bachelor Party,” in which a groom and a few of his swashbuckling friends would gamely push into Navajo country and go hunting for a few slaves to give to the bride on her wedding day to help her keep house (182).
Although slavery was technically illegal for Anglo-Americans, many enslaved Indians without a second thought. Kit Carson owned multiple Indian slaves. The east would confront this problem soon, and justice would eventually come to the West as well.
By Hampton Sides