63 pages • 2 hours read
Ta-Nehisi CoatesA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more. For select classroom titles, we also provide Teaching Guides with discussion and quiz questions to prompt student engagement.
Coates begins the book by emphasizing the power bestowed in US police forces to exterminate black bodies when they see fit. He uses recent police killings as examples, from Michael Brown, whose murderers were acquitted despite mounting evidence, to Renisha McBride, who was killed for knocking on someone’s door to ask for help. Coates’s goal in this book-length letter to his son Samori is to make his son aware of the power and legacy of racial violence in the United States so that Samori can survive. Coates cites Samori’s pained response to the acquittal of Michael Brown’s killers as a moment of reckoning—the first time that Coates sees his son contend with the precarity of his body.
Coates recalls contending with the fragility of his own body as a young boy in Baltimore. Coates describes how he is almost shot by a boy with a gun over a trivial incident. He remembers that the lived experience of needing to protect his body fuels his disillusionment with his schools; Coates begins to view schools as another form of control rather than a path to liberation. Though school systems understand the bodily harm that can befall black students at any moment, this fact goes unaddressed and ignored in their education. Instead, black children are given examples of nonviolent and exceptional black people who
seemed to love the worst things in life—love the dogs that rent their children apart, the tear gas that clawed at their lungs, the firehoses that tore off their clothes and tumbled them to the streets. They seemed to love the men who raped them, the women who cursed them, love the children who spat on them, the terrorists who bombed the. Why are they showing this to us? Why were only our heroes nonviolent? (33).
Through the death of Prince Carmen Jones, a well-liked, wealthy Howard University student killed by the police, Coates understands on a visceral level that to be black in America is to be under threat, regardless of class, upbringing, and accomplishment. Though Prince came from an established, educated family and had a number of accolades to his name, this did not matter in the eyes of the law.
This devaluing of black life is apparent in Coates’s day-to-day life in New York City. He notes the unawareness of white families around him, who allow their children to play in the streets without regard for other people, while he is hyperaware of his body and how and where he moves within the city. This attitude of entitlement and ownership is emphasized when a white woman pushes four-year-old Samori in impatience. When Coates reacts in anger, a white man threatens to have him arrested—another assertion of white dominance over the black body. Coates chides himself for losing his cool in light of his awareness that in America, any mistake on the part of a black person can cost them their life, as the white man’s threat only emphasizes.
The concept of the Dream and its dangers are first introduced to the reader via a news interview that Coates participates in. In the interview, the news anchor presses Coates on the importance of hope in the face of racial violence. Coates writes that in this moment he knows that he has failed, and that in asking this question the anchor is asking him to “awaken her from the most gorgeous dream” (13). He views this goal for hope as an attempt to uphold the fallacy of American idealism and moral goodness, which he characterizes as the Dream.
Coates admits his own struggle wanting to believe the Dream. But he emphasizes that to succumb to the Dream is to dive headfirst into ignorance. He believes the Dream is not an option for black people, who carry the scars of the Dream. Coates writes that the Dream’s bedding was “made from our bodies” (13), referring to the $4 billion slave industry that transformed the United States into a world power. Early on, Coates characterizes the Dream as in direct opposition to the acknowledgement of black suffering and abuse.
Coates states that “how to live within a black body, within a country lost in the Dream, is the question of my life” (14). Which is to say, Coates wrestles with how to live as a black American in an America that refuses to acknowledge black suffering.
Coates outlines how the Dream is perpetuated by institutions such as schools and the police. Coates maintains that the only interest schools take in black students is teaching them complacency. As a child, he wrestles with the contradiction of having to protect his body in the streets while learning French at school. He wonders at the value that classes like French have for students like him, who must worry about existential threat every day. He notes that schools do not feed his curiosity but stunt it. His interest in investigating the greater questions of life and the world is only met by his parents, who present learning as a form of self-discovery. However, this form of learning directly contrasts with the Dream, which, via schools, portrays only exceptional and nonviolent black people. Coates describes the Dream as a “hall pass through history, a sleeping pills that ensures the Dream” (35). To portray black people in dissent and self-empowerment would require schools to teach students about the conditions against which black activists rebel, such as the terrors of slavery, generational poverty, and unjust legal and economic policies like redlining. In contrast, Coates’s father gives him books on black revolutionaries such as the Black Panthers and Malcolm X.
Coates thinks he has begun to uncover the Dream of the black race when he begins his study of African and African American history in his late teens. However, his professors at Howard University prompt him to question this form of idealization, pointing out that even ancient African societies dealt with questions of hierarchy, exploitation, and slavery. Coates writes of his realization that “[b]eing black did not immunize us from history’s logic or the lure of the Dream. The writer, and that was what I was becoming, must be wary of every Dream and every nation, even his own nation” (55). At the same time as this realization, Coates hones in on the major aim of his writing, which is partly to upend the Dream, which he calls “the enemy of all art, courageous thinking, and honest writing” (51).
At Howard University, Coates learns that the Dream does not exist solely in whiteness but also in the assumed superiority and privilege of being male. Through meeting women from different places who express different modes of loving, Coates opens his eyes to how the Dream of his maleness and heterosexuality has kept him from appreciating and respecting various modes of love, worldviews, and female struggles.
Coates characterizes racial violence as the Dream exercising its power. He points to how assumptions of white American moral superiority and goodwill allow police officers and citizens who murder black people to walk free, while black people must not only assume higher accountability of their bodies but also shoulder the burden of the actions of all black people. In other words, the Dream affords white Americans countless chances on the assumption of goodwill, while black criminality is presumed by American society and law. Coates cites how black murder is justified by error on the part of the victim: Eric Gardner illegally sold single cigarettes, John Crawford touched a rifle for sale in a department store, Renisha McBride knocked on a stranger’s door late at night to ask for help. Coates cites the presence of the Dream in the way the Civil War is depicted as an act of Christian benevolence rather than a struggle to uphold exploitative labor practices on the part of the Confederacy.
Coates ends the book by stating to his son that though he must be forever mindful of how the Dream is at work within the United States, it is not his responsibility to dispel it. The Dream will only be dismantled through collective action, once the “Dreamers […] understand that the field for their Dream, the stage where they have painted themselves white, is the deathbed of us all” (148). Coates asserts that the ignorance that fuels the Dream is the same one that endangers the planet and overpopulates prisons with black people.
According to Coates, remembering the past is integral to staying above the lull of the Dream. Coates positions remembering for black people as a mode of survival. To remember the history of slavery upon which America was founded is also to remember that America’s primary legal and social systems routinely devalue and destroy black lives. Coates uses his own life as a teen in Baltimore to remind his son that life as a black boy in America is fragile. Coates equates Samori’s reckoning with the injustice of Michael Brown’s death with a reckoning and confronting of American history; Samori now understands, on a visceral level, that the police forces put in place to protect America only mimic the country’s long, sordid history of controlling black bodies.
Coates writes about his own search for his cultural past through the study of African and black history. With the help of his father, he builds an alternative canon of black heroes in opposition to the tokenized black “firsts” he is presented with at school. He describes how the past is redefined as he continues his studies at Howard University. Coates’s history professors shake him awake from his dream of an idealized African past and clue him in to the inherent inequalities of African civilizations. Through this investigation of history, Coates becomes more attuned to the ways of the world, and thus better able to navigate them.
Through his focus on the American Civil War, Coates emphasizes that American success is inseparable from black exploitation. He writes that this narrative clashes with common representations of the Civil War, which portray slavery as an act of Christian benevolence rather than a lucrative economic policy that put millions of dollars in the pockets of slaveholders and shaped discriminatory legislation in the United States.
By Ta-Nehisi Coates
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