Being Heumann

Night fell, and Judith encouraged as many people as possible to stay at the office until the bill was signed. She notes that staying overnight without notice is a particularly taxing event for people with disabilities, who often require special care, medications, and so on. Despite this, 75 people volunteered to stay, including a few personal assistants. People settled in and sparked conversations, shared food, and found comfort in each other. It was a special moment for everyone; as Judith notes, “When you can’t live independently, you don’t get many chances to rebel” (99). They soon found out that activists in Los Angeles, DC, and Denver also refused to leave until the bill was signed, meaning four federal buildings were being occupied at once.

In DC, Califano attempted to starve out the protestors by disallowing food from coming into the offices. Judith and her allies needed to strategize and figure out how food, medication, and press would be taken care of, and how they planned to stay in touch with the other occupying groups. They also kept in contact with various disability activist groups across the country. Judith notes that a sense of unity across all disabilities was essential to their success. Her boyfriend, Jim, stayed with her and slept beside her through the night.

The next morning, Judith woke to find newspaper headlines referring to her and the other protestors as an “Occupation Army of Cripples” (103). Judith reflects on how the media typically portrays people with disabilities as sick and completely lacking independence, which causes people in society to view them as “helpless and childlike” (104) or otherwise invisible. Thus, their protests shocked the public. The protestors decided to call a press conference to explain their actions, beginning with a warning against referring to people with disabilities as “handicapped,” “crippled,” or other derogatory terms.

They soon found out that the DC protest ended because people were starved out, and Califano made a vague promise to sign the bill sometime next month. Other protests across the country dwindled, and Judith called a meeting to encourage her group to stay. She realized that it had grown to 135 members, and her faith was restored.

The next morning, Judith heard that HEW security closed off the building and was no longer allowing anyone to enter. Judith called in a favor from Reverend Cecil Williams, who agreed to hold a vigil outside the building in support of the protest. She wrote a press release that announced the vigil and encouraged “all persons concerned with basic human rights” (109) to join. Kitty brought news that Califano was planning to change the bill to make universities exempt and remove substance use disorders completely. Judith and Kitty knew that they were not being taken seriously and deliberated about what to do next.

The Denver and New York protests ended, but this was followed with great news: The Governor of California, Jerry Brown, endorsed the movement and urged President Carter to sign the bill. Civil rights groups, unions, and churches also offered their support. The group decided to coordinate with the Los Angeles protestors to get President Carter’s attention. All the protestors agreed to stay another day and wait for a call from the White House. Meanwhile, they began signing messages to protestors outside the building, and 100 HEW employees organized and signed a petition in support of the protest. Later that afternoon, a group of Black Panthers forced their way inside the building, bringing tubs of food for everyone. They did this every night thereafter.

In the middle of the night, there were reports of a bomb in the building, and the security guards warned everyone to leave. Judith and Kitty did not believe it and went back to sleep. The next morning, they were alive and well. It was Passover and the fourth day of the protest, and it seemed serendipitous that these two events occurred at the same time. A call came from the President’s secretary, citing the President’s assurance that he would examine the bill. Judith and the others knew it is not enough. When a member of HEW called to convince the protestors to leave, a California congressman, George Miller, entered the building, picked up the phone, and told the HEW counselor to leave them alone. He encouraged the protestors to stay until they won their fight, and he organized a congressional hearing inside the Federal Building.

A week passed, and the protest continued. Everyone settled into a routine, and Judith describes a “culture of listening” (120) that developed at their daily meetings. Many of the protestors had difficulty speaking due to their disabilities, while many others had a great deal to say. Everyone was patient and gave each other the chance to say everything that was needed. This sometimes meant meetings lasted all day. The group depended on the generosity of strangers to get food, medication, and personal assistance, and many people were going without the things they needed. Still, the protestors managed the time playing games, singing songs, and “becoming as intimate as soldiers in combat” (122).

The Congressional hearing took place on day 11 of the occupation, and the room quickly filled with all sorts of people, followed by another 800 or more outside. Congressman Miller opened by asking the purpose of the protest, to which Judith replied that they were in the midst of a civil rights movement and would not leave until the bill was signed. He confronted the HEW representative, Gene Eidenberg, who stumbled through an explanation involving various issues, studies, and a “separate but equal” (123) approach. Kitty went outside to tell the protestors about HEW’s intention to keep people with disabilities separate from mainstream society, and they roared in opposition. Judith responded to Eidenberg, citing her experiences of discrimination and fighting back tears as she warned that the fight would not cease until they achieved justice. Countless people with disabilities testified, “trying to count, trying to matter” (125). Suddenly, Eidenberg dashed from the room and closed himself in another office. They refused to let him off the hook and demanded he come back to the hearing, which lasted another five hours. After it ended, Judith and the others were certain that Califano would respond, but he did not.

Judith and her team determined they needed to up the stakes. They decided to send a delegation to DC to speak with people close to Califano. With all 800 protestors in attendance, they decided who would go to DC and discussed whether to wait; the DC protestors requested they wait so they could get organized before their arrival. After much deliberation, the group decided to leave immediately and selected 34 people to go. Money was donated by a supporter named Willy Dicks of the International Association of Machinists labor union, and they set off for DC.

Willy Dicks welcomed Judith and her cohort when they arrived in DC, and he arranged an office for them as well as travel and a welcome reception. The group also provided enough personal assistants for all 34 delegates. The leader of the DC protest, Eunice, was apologetic and tried to explain, but she was assured that the DC protest being shut down was not her fault. Judith notes that organizing protestors with disabilities is far more challenging in DC, where access is much more limited.

Willy and his team organized a moving truck to transport the people with wheelchairs, which proved harrowing. They decided to go to Califano’s house first, and they spent the night singing outside of it. Nothing came of this, so they headed to a church where they were invited to stay. They set up meetings with Section 504’s original sponsors, Senators Harrison Williams and Alan Cranston, in an effort to get their assurance that the original draft was better than the amendments proposed by HEW.

The meeting with Cranston was challenging, as Cranston agreed with the changes and believed they would make the bill more implementable. After much discussion, he agreed that a “separate but equal” approach amounts to discrimination and could not be allowed, and he offered to make a statement regarding his thoughts. Williams agreed to make a statement alongside Cranston. The group also met with the chief of domestic policy, Stuart E. Eizenstat, who denied any responsibility for the changes, but after listening to their words, he seemed to alter his views and decided to act.

That night, the protestors disagreed about whether or not to return to the West Coast. Some believed they won already and that the bill was sure to be signed; Judith and others feel that until it is signed, they have to stay put. Ultimately, it was put to a vote, and they decided to stay. Everyone was exhausted, and their patience was running thin. Judith wondered how long it will be before the movement disbanded completely. Early the next morning, Judith woke feeling unsettled, and she and a few others decided to go straight to HEW and confront Califano. When they arrived, security refused to let them enter, and Judith was confident that they were instructed to deny anyone who looked as if they had a disability from entering the building. She backed up her chair and began slamming it into the doors, and several other people joined in as the guards tried to hold their chairs back.

On day 18, Califano finally responded, calling the allegations inaccurate but nothing more. Judith observed the way that the protestors from the East and West coasts continued to argue with each other; Califano’s ploy to ignore them and make them feel worthless was working. Having been ignored most of her life, Judith knew what this did to one’s self-esteem and ability to speak out. They continued holding vigils outside Califano’s house, and he took to sneaking out the backdoor to avoid them. The demonstration outside the White House went well and gained press coverage, and they also heard that protests were reviving in other cities. Califano was caught off guard in an elevator by a news reporter and was bombarded with questions, but he still refused to answer. Everyone but Judith was sure he was embarrassed enough to cave, but on day 24 of the protests, Califano signed the regulations as they were originally written. Judith and the others shouted and hugged one another in a fit of victory, and everyone shared tears at the thought of separating from their newfound friends and community. They spent a final night together to celebrate their victory.