36 pages • 1 hour read
Eddie S. Glaude Jr.A modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
In his last interview before his death, Baldwin called himself a despairing witness. The style of his writing changed in this period: He began experimenting with new techniques, employing Black English, adopting non-linear narrative forms, and drawing on Black musical influences. The darkness of Baldwin’s after times demanded different aesthetic choices than those characterizing his early works to better express his anguish and allow him to bear witness. Glaude posits that Baldwin’s work changed in response to the failures of the civil rights movement. Despite the end of segregation, the Civil Rights and Voting Right Acts, and Great Society programs aimed at creating more equity, the country remained steeped in racism. Poverty engulfed large swaths of Black America. Police harassment of Black people and the mass incarceration of Black men accelerated. In short, the belief that White people matter more than others remained prevalent, despite White America’s proclamations to the contrary. Moreover, White America was comfortable with that state of affairs, maintaining that the country had made sufficient progress in matters of race.
In the 1982 docudrama, I Heard It Through the Grapevine, Baldwin retraces his time in the South during the civil rights movement, chronicling the collapse of one political order and the emergence of another. This conservative new order, propelled by the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980, promoted small government, deregulation, privatization, tough on crime laws, tax cuts for the wealthy, a strong military, and the dismantling of the so-called welfare state. Reagan took a hard line with the Black Panthers, exploiting racial resentment to usher in a new age. Not coincidentally, he held one of his first campaign events in Neshoba County, Mississippi, a few miles from the place where three civil rights workers had been murdered in 1964.
Glaude argues that Reagan’s racism, however genteel, was clear to Black and White Americans alike. His election thus collapsed past and present traumas, such as slavery, Jim Crow, lynchings, police killings, mass incarceration, and Black ghettos. This merging of the past and present remains salient today. Many Black people refused to vote for Hilary Clinton in the 2016 presidential election because they were disillusioned with the Democratic Party, which had failed to enact policies to remedy their suffering during Obama’s presidency. Not only did Glaude not vote for Hilary, he also encouraged voters in non-swing states to leave their ballots blank to push the Democratic Party to act on racial issues. Glaude presents the 2016 election as a referendum on the direction of the nation. Like Reagan, Trump (re)asserted a decidedly White vision of the country. It is a mistake, however, to dismiss him as a solitary bad actor. Trump is a clear reflection of the country. The failure of Americans not to see themselves in him perpetuates the lie.
Reexamining the values and commitments that shaped America’s self-understanding is a means of reimagining and recreating the future. It demands addressing the lie at the root of the nation’s history. Glaude points to the new Legacy Museum in Montgomery, Alabama, as well as the nearby National Memorial for Peace and Justice (also called the Lynching Memorial), as examples of how to confront the past truthfully. Built in a city littered with Confederate monuments that uphold the lie, the Legacy Museum and Lynching Memorial give visitors opportunities to face the past honestly. The Museum draws connections between four eras—slavery, segregation, lynching, and mass incarceration—which occurred because of the devaluation of Black people. The Memorial memorializes Black victims of White violence with a sculptural representation of chained slaves, and a monument comprising 800 steel blocks arranged like vertical headstones, one for each US county where lynchings occurred. The Legacy Museum and Lynching Memorial demythologize the past, bear truthful witness, and provide opportunities for a new beginning.
Glaude interweaves his analysis of the two Montgomery monuments with Baldwin’s insights on America’s race problem, focusing on mass incarceration. In No Name in the Street, for example, Baldwin described systemic racial bias in the US criminal justice system. He witnessed the enactment of the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act (1968), which was passed in response to White fear of Black violence. The law enshrined the value gap by disproportionately targeting Black communities. Baldwin recognized that White people were beginning to see Black people as disposable, rather than as sources of wealth to be exploited. He understood that the country’s criminal justice system was entangled with the lies and assumptions White people made about racial minorities. In The Evidence of Things Not Seen, Baldwin discussed beginning again—confronting the past to reimagine the future. They urge America to dismantle its myths and create a New Jerusalem.
Glaude draws on Baldwin’s idea of a New Jerusalem in his call for a third American founding. America failed to build a just society after its original foundation. The Civil War and Reconstruction (the second foundation) was a failed opportunity to begin again. The revolution is thus unfinished. Trump’s election reasserted the lie. The president openly opposes a multiracial democracy, attacks congress members of color, scapegoats immigrants, and panders to White resentment. Further, his judicial appointments and policies on healthcare, voting rights, and environmental deregulation primarily harm people of color. Glaude urges readers not to view Trump as exceptional, but rather, as part of the arc of American history. The Trump era presents another chance at moral reckoning. Americans must accept responsibility to create their country anew. This difficult task demands disavowing the lie that White people matter more than others. Without this critical step, the country is doomed to repeat its ugly history.
Glaude concludes with an appeal to those who want a better country. He discusses the importance of first steps.
The editorial board of the Montgomery Advertiser took such steps when it published an op-ed titled, “Our Shame: The Sins of Our Past Laid Bare for All to See,” in conjunction with the opening of the Legacy Museum and Lynching Memorial. The board apologized for the newspaper’s role in perpetuating the lie, pushed back against readers who wanted to leave the past alone, and stressed the moral role of the press. In other words, the board faced the past truthfully with the aim of avoiding past failures.
The country must also take first steps. Glaude argues that the nation is at a crossroads. Americans must either accept the value gap or work to become a truly multiracial democracy. Everyone committed to creating a new America must fight to free the country from the lie. Americans cannot let the current political moment get in the way of their vision of the future. Baldwin never lost hope for a better America. He confronted the country’s racism head-on in hopes of creating a better country. Americans must follow his lead. Demonizing others is not the answer. Love and mutuality are the basis for genuine democracy.
In his two closing chapters, Glaude employs violent imagery to jolt readers into acting against racism. The South and the country are guilty of violence toward Black people, an untold truth that is like a pile of unburied dead: “the suffering beneath the country’s and region’s feet […] allowed the bodies to continue to amass” (150). Glaude employs similar imagery in his description of the Legacy Museum, a narrative museum that tells the story of the continuous and vicious strands of racial violence to counter Confederate monuments that glorify slavery and the era of lynching. Glaude describes his experience of the space as “sounds and sights [that] bleed from one exhibit section into the next” (188), alludes to the blood of the Black people the museum commemorates, including lynching victims, King, and those killed by police. The Lynching Memorial, moreover, comprises 800 vertical steel slabs that abstractly represent lynching victims. To Glaude’s eye, they look like “a prairie full of rusted, brown coffins” and “bodies swaying from poplar trees” (191). This imagery does not sensationalize violence. Rather, it acknowledges the truth about the country’s ugly history, which is the first step toward dismantling the lie.
Glaude’s reliance on the imagery of violence mirrors the violence Black people have suffered (and continue to suffer) at the hands of White people. While searching for the bodies of three civil rights workers killed in Philadelphia, Mississippi, in 1964, local and national law enforcement kept discovering other Black bodies: “They had all been decapitated. Heads were gone. Cut up and everything else […] They were finding black people buried under trees, floating in rivers and everything else” (159-60). The body of the only Black man among the three missing civil rights workers bore signs of such brutal torture that one pathologist claimed he had “never witnessed bones so severely shattered” in his 25-year career (160). The violence did not end after the civil rights years. Glaude urges readers to see the link between the past and present. Contemporary police violence against Black people, for example, cannot be divorced from 20th-century lynchings: Both are grounded in the lie.
Glaude underscores the importance of truth in his closing chapters. He argues that Trump is not an anomalous bad actor, just as Baldwin claimed that that King’s murder was not the work of a lone madman. Rather, Trump has a relationship to the lie: “The lie is the lifeblood of Trumpism. […] Anyone who doesn’t fit the view of America as a white nation or refuses to submit to it is cast as a traitor or as someone who hates America” (211). While Conservatives claim that Trump’s election was about economics, Glaude demands honesty, “an honest confrontation with and condemnation of one’s complicity with a way of life that insists that some people matter more than others and with a society organized to reflect that belief” (172). If America does not confront the past honestly, it is doomed to repeat past mistakes. Trump is the successor to Reagan: his campaign slogan, “Make America Great Again,” echoes Reagan’s “Let’s make America great again.”
New beginnings feature prominently in Glaude’s final chapters, as they do throughout the book. The book’s title and the title of Chapter 7 reference a passage in Baldwin’s last novel, Just Above My Head: “‘Not everything is lost. Responsibility cannot be lost, it can only be abdicated. If one refuses abdication, one begins again’” (193). No matter how critical Baldwin was of American society, he never lost hope for a better future. For Baldwin, beginning again was shorthand for the work that had to be done to achieve this future. Baldwin asked Americans to reexamine the values and commitments that shaped the country’s self-understanding.
Moreover, he urged his compatriots to look back to those beginnings, not to reaffirm America’s greatness or reinforce the myths that secure the nation’s innocence, but rather, to identify where the country went wrong and to reimage it in light of what it initially set out to be. As Glaude notes, beginning again does not entail the wholesale rejection of the past: “A new story doesn’t mean that we discard all of the elements of the old story, nor does it mean that we dwell only on our sins. Instead, we narrate our national beginnings in light of our contradictions and our aspirations.” (203). This new beginning, which Glaude refers to as the third American founding, demands that the country undergo a profound political transformation. Americans must reject Trump and everything he represents. They must accept responsibility to create a new American.
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