62 pages • 2 hours read
Kevin BoyleA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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Boyle spends the book's prologue setting up the social conditions in America's Midwestern and Northeastern cities following the Great Migration. This pattern of movement brought more than a million southern-born blacks from south of the Mason-Dixon line to the North between 1916 and 1930. Job opportunities in northern factories, made vacant by the exodus of white male workers for the American war effort, drew Southern blacks north via the train lines built after the Civil War. Ossian Sweet is one such migrant, drawn northward by the opportunity to attend college in Ohio. This influx of black populations in mostly white towns and cities brings with it social unrest and, sometimes, violence fueled "by fear of moral decay" (6). Native-born whites felt threatened by the numbers of black migrants alongside whom they did not want to work or live. Racism takes on an official form via restrictions on hiring and renting or selling property to black migrants. In Detroit, blacks are relegated to living in Black Bottom, crammed into "tiny apartments, which they rented at exorbitant rates" (11). Though not legally sanctioned, these practices became standard; fear of moral decay reaches a fevered pitch by the time Ossian and his wife, Gladys buy their home on all-white Garland Avenue.
Ossian Sweet's family are mostly slaves and former slaves who worked on plantations in North Carolina and, later, Florida. After gaining freedom following the Civil War, Ossian's relatives have few resources with which to begin their new lives. As Florida falls back into the hands of Democrats, following the death of Republican governor Ossian Hart, Ossian Sweet's namesake, in 1874, things get worse for blacks in the South. The Democrats do everything to ensure that "the New South would be for whites only" (55) and set about undoing any progress toward racial equality Hart and other Republicans have made. The laws and extra-legal practices the Democrats enact constitute Jim Crow, creating two worlds within the South: one white and one black. Under the guise of “separate but equal” facilities, white Southern Democrats subject black Southerners to numerous humiliations and torment, including disenfranchisement and lynching. The South's Jim Crow laws spur the Great Migration, as black Southerners hope to escape the violence and oppression in the northern states.
Boyle's book presents two strains of thought within the nascent civil rights movement in America. On one hand is W.E.B. Du Bois, whose activism depends on the one in ten exceptional black men and women who emerge as leaders of the race and constitute the Talented Tenth. For Du Bois and his adherents, which includes Ossian, progress for black Americans depends on the actions of the Talented Tenth. For this reason, black colleges, like Wilberforce and Howard, are the training grounds for the Tenth and should be "every bit as demanding as outstanding white colleges" (74). On the other hand, is Booker T. Washington, who believes that the way to progress for black Americans is through "manual training" (75) for blacks in order to be useful, productive members of society. Washington runs his Tuskegee Institute as a technical learning center. Ossian encounters the differences in thought while at Wilberforce, which houses both an academic university and a technical college. At Wilberforce, Ossian straddles the line between the two, as he studies science by day and works as a janitor or waiter during nights and school breaks. Ultimately, though, Ossian hopes to see himself among Detroit's Talented Tenth.
The NAACP, or National Association for the Advancement of Colored People is another crucial element of the early civil rights movement. It's formed in 1909 as an organization for "fair-minded whites and intelligent blacks" (81). This qualification of 'intelligent' reveals both Du Bois's and white progressives' involvement in the organization's creation. As the first black secretary of the NAACP, James Weldon Johnson takes on the nation's racist laws, including a case for desegregation of housing that lands in the nation's Supreme Court.Outside the NAACP's brand of integrationist activism, Marcus Garvey and his followers take up a new kind of resistance: black nationalism, which preaches "the power of armed resistance" (118).
After Reconstruction in the South and the first wave of the Great Migration in the North, white Americans ensure the segregation of blacks and whites within cities. They do this "through a host of individual actions arbitrarily imposed" (108), including restrictive covenants and so-called neighborhood improvement associations. They lower home values in neighborhoods once black people move into them, and, as with the Sweets, unleash outright violence to uproot black residents and relegate them to designated areas of the city, such as Black Bottom in Detroit. As with most 'separate but equal' situations in Jim Crow America, the black neighborhoods are move impoverished than any white neighborhood, often lacking city utilities and run by slumlords.
Even the most liberal whites do nothing to stop the color line's expansion. Rather than seeing racism as built into institutions, many white activists, including Clarence Darrow, see racism as a personal failing, something that can be remedied by changes on a small, personal scale. Though Johnson and the NAACP present their case against discriminatory real estate practices that perpetuate the color line in 1926, it's not until 1968 that federal legislation "prohibiting discrimination in the selling and financing of homes" (344) becomes law.