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Harold C. LivesayA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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In this chapter, Livesay details Carnegie’s complicated relationship to labor and unions. Often, Carnegie’s emphasis on cost-cutting leads him to want to cut workers’ wages as low as possible. However, his factory superintendent, Captain Bill Jones, serves as a buffer between Carnegie and the workers, and Jones often convinces Carnegie that higher wages keep workers happy and hard-working. Jones even convinces Carnegie to implement some progressive labor policies, such as changing work-shifts from twelvehours to eighthours. Carnegie pens two articles in support of labor, arguing that employers should support labor unions, and that the American public should sympathize with striking workers who lash out at strike-breakers (often called “scab labor”) (135). Such beliefs put Carnegie at odds with the majority of American industrialists, and Carnegie earns a reputation for being a friend of workers.
In 1888, Carnegie faces a major strike at Edgar Thomson Works. The strike begins when Carnegie posts a notice informing workers that their eight-hour shifts would be terminated, and that pay would be based on a “sliding scale that would tie wages to steel prices” (137). The workers promptly went on strike, and rather than bring in scab labor, Carnegie shuts Edgar Thomson Works down and waits in his New York home for the workers to accept his demands. Carnegie waits the strike out for five months; the workers ultimately vote to return and accept Carnegie’s stipulations.
Carnegie’s policy of waiting out strikes puts him at odds with his newly-appointed chairman, Henry Frick. Frick does not respect the workers’ rights to strike, and his belief is that he can “do with his property as he like[s],” and that he should be able to bring in scab labor if the workers go on strike (136). Such varying attitudes are put to the test in 1892, when the contract between the union Amalgamated Association is up for renewal at Carnegie’s Homestead steel mill. Carnegie and Frick hope to re-negotiate the contract with the union so that the sliding-scale of pay can be lowered, allowing them to set wages at a lower base pay. Rather than involve himself in negotiations, Carnegie plans to make a months-long trip to Scotland when the contract expires, ensuring that he will not have to directly deal with the negotiations. Carnegie tells Frick that his philosophy is “to shut down and suffer. Let them decide by vote when they decide to go to work” (140). However, Carnegie gives Frick free reign to settle the strike as Frick wishes.
Frick’s solution is to wage an “all-out struggle” (141). Frick hires 300 men from the Pinkerton detective agency, a security firm, and plans to have them operate the works. Frick sends the Pinkerton men into the works on river boats by night, so as to avoid notice from the strikers. However, the strikers become alerted to the ships, leading to a violent brawl between the strikers and the Pinkertons on the river bank. In the ensuing days, Frick is shot at by a would-be assassin but survives. The battle ultimately ends when the governor sends in state troops, with Frick victorious. Though Carnegie offers public support for Frick, he privately fumes over Frick’s decisions, feeling that Frick had made a mistake by forcing a battle over the Homestead Works. Carnegie faces public outcry over the way the strike is handled, with numerous newspapers publishing highly-critical accounts of Carnegie.
In the 1890s, Carnegie’s steelworks is consuming raw ore “in quantities that would have been unimaginable a decade before” (151). In order to reduce his ore costs, Carnegie becomes interested in acquiring a raw ore mine. In 1892, Henry W. Oliver, a businessman known for shady deals, approaches Henry Frick to make a deal with Mountain Iron, a new ore mine located in the Mesabi mountain range of Minnesota. Though Carnegie is at first reluctant to strike a deal due to Oliver’s reputation, Frick ultimately convinces Carnegie to join with Oliver.
John D. Rockefeller, a wealthy businessman and Carnegie’s rival, purchases the rest of the Mesabi ore deposits, as well as the railroad and docks necessary to transport any ore out of the Mesabi. Fearing competition, Carnegie strikes a deal with Rockefeller, guaranteeing to ship a minimum of 1,200,000 tons annually, as long as Rockefeller agrees that shipping charges “would not exceed an agreed-upon-maximum” (154). The deal gives Carnegie a competitive edge over other steel manufacturers, allowing Carnegie to grow his already-large company even more.
Carnegie further seeks to lower his prices by taking on the Pennsylvania Railroad Company, which he believes are overcharging him for transport of his materials and goods. Carnegie approaches the Pennsylvania State Legislature to petition them to force the railroad to lower their prices, threatening an “angry mob” if they don’t (158). Though the legislature doesn’t enforce price changes, Frick finds a solution by building the Union Railway, which connects Carnegie Steel’s various manufacturing works. Carnegie Steel can now save on prices by transporting goods between its factories without relying on the Pennsylvania Railroad.
To Carnegie’s dismay, however, he is still forced to use the Pennsylvania Railroad for shipping raw materials of coke and iron ore to his steel mills. According to Carnegie’s freight agent, Carnegie Steel is being charged vastly higher prices than its competitors for shipments of raw materials. Carnegie purchases a “deteriorated” railroad, the Pittsburgh, Bessemer, and Lake Erie Railroad, which would directly connect his supply of ore and coke with his steel mills (160). The Pennsylvania Railroad is frightened of losing Carnegie Steel, its largest customer. The Railroad is ultimately forced to make a deal with Carnegie, sharply cutting the rates of shipment.
In 1894, Carnegie attempts to combine Frick Coke with another coke company, the W.J. Rainey Company, adding Rainey next to Frick in the company name. Frick is angered by the plan, and submits his resignation to Carnegie, which Carnegie accepts, though Frick remains on the board. Carnegie replaces Frick with J. G. Leishman, only to fire Leishman soon after due to Leishman’s disloyalty. Charles Schwab becomes president of Carnegie Steel in 1897. Schwab is a steadfast advocate of “constantly revamping” Carnegie’s various steel mills with the most up-to-date technology, which results in great savings for the company (151). Carnegie Steel sees its revenues expand tremendously, growing from $4 million in profit in 1894 to $40 million in profit in 1900.
In the 1890s, several of Carnegie’s partners want to sell their shares of Carnegie Steel and leave the company. These partners, such as Henry Phipps and Henry Frick, are frustrated because Carnegie invests all of the profits back into the corporation, paying very little dividends to the partners. However, the partners are kept from selling their shares due to the “Iron Clad Agreement,” a contract drawn up in 1887. The contract stipulates that partners could only sell their shares at “book value,” which is the “partner’s percentage of ownership times the nominal capitalization figure” (172). Carnegie feels that overcapitalizing is a major problem in American corporations, so he always understates the capitalization value—for instance, declaring in 1899 that the company is worth $50 million, rather than its actual value of $250 million. As a result, if Phipps or Frick want to leave the company, the “book value” they could sell their shares at is far less than their actual worth.
As a solution, Frick and Phipps attempt to bring in an outside buyer for the corporation. They approach Carnegie with a buyer who wishes to remain anonymous, and at first Carnegie is content with the deal. However, Carnegie grows angry when he learns the buyers are the Moore brothers, two Chicago businessmen with a shady reputation for engaging in speculation and other dubious business practices. Carnegie cancels the prospective sale and begins feuding with Frick, attempting to boot him out of the company. After failed attempts to buy Frick out at the “book value,” Carnegie comes to a compromise with Frick, creating a holding corporation for Carnegie Steel and Frick Coke that increases the capitalization of both corporations. Carnegie succeeds in ousting Frick, and Frick succeeds in gaining more money for his shares.
In the late 1890s, the American steel industry becomes increasingly dominated by a variety of “manufacturing trusts,” large amalgamations of various steel corporations that were “vastly overcapitalized” and “inefficient” (182-83). The trusts begin to steal Carnegie’s contracts with manufacturers, such as National Tube and American Hoop. Carnegie is confident that his streamlined industry can take-on the overgrown trusts, and he decides to add a manufacturing plant to his industry. As soon as Carnegie begins building the plant, the trusts become frightened, knowing they can’t compete with Carnegie’s “unmatched facilities […] [and] abundance of technological know-how” (186). Schwab approaches J.P. Morgan, explaining why Carnegie Steel is set to outmatch the trusts. Morgan decides to make an offer, purchasing Carnegie Steel for $480,000,000 and making Carnegie “the richest man in the world” (188). Carnegie retires, spending his vast wealth by funding numerous public institutions for the American people.
In these chapters, Livesay focuses on the challenges and successes that Carnegie encounters in the final stage of his career. By the 1890s, Carnegie has established himself as one of the most shrewd and successful American businessmen. Livesay summarizes the business philosophies that catapulted Carnegie to success in the following passage:
A policy of aggressive price-cutting had to be backed with equally aggressive attention to costs; the old formulas must be applied with renewed vigor. The mills must run full with continually updated equipment; profits must go to machinery, not to dividends. Backward integration must obtain cheap, dependable sources of raw material. Transportation costs must be beaten down to a minimum. The firm must also energetically promote campaigns to update and expand the sales organization, find new markets, and develop new products. (147)
Throughout his career, Carnegie remains steadfastly committed to these policies, demanding that his managers pursue his goals to the absolute best of their abilities or else be fired. Carnegie keeps an obsessive eye on his business, poring over sheets of costs and profits in order to determine and remove any weaknesses in his company. Livesay offers much laudatory praise for Carnegie’s business acumen, and paints a picture of Carnegie as an innovative genius.
While the majority of Livesay’s biography is focused on the intricacies of Carnegie’s business—the various deals that allowed Carnegie to become one of America’s wealthiest men—Livesay makes occasional detours into Carnegie’s personal life, speculating on the various struggles that accompanied Carnegie’s rise to the top. In Livesay’s view, Carnegie’s desire for success grew out of his humble, and sometimes shameful, background. Carnegie is depicted as being driven by what he wants to “make up for,” such as his father’s failed business attempts and his upbringing in poverty (181). Any struggles along Carnegie’s path towards the top—such as the Homestead strike or the friends and family he lost along the way—provide further motivation for Carnegie’s business ambitions. Livesay argues that Carnegie’s “Gospel of Wealth” is primarily an attempt to use his wealth to atone for his various business misdeeds. While Carnegie made his wealth with occasionally-questionable practices, Carnegie can prove his goodness by giving it all away—an act Carnegie eventually fulfills in his retirement years.