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76 pages 2 hours read

Jon Meacham

And There Was Light: Abraham Lincoln and the American Struggle

Nonfiction | Biography | Adult | Published in 2022

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Part 6, Chapter 25-EpilogueChapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 6, Chapter 25 Summary: “This Great Moral Victory”

Lincoln believed the Emancipation Proclamation was the most significant achievement of the century. If the 13th Amendment was to be ratified by Congress, it would end the debate about abolition in the country, effectively making it the permanent law of the land. In order to pass the legislation, there were reports that the Lincoln administration did whatever was necessary, including bribery for votes. Meacham recalls Thaddeus Stevens saying, “The greatest measure of the nineteenth century was passed by corruption, aided and abetted by the purest man in America” (354). The 13th Amendment was ratified in Congress on January 31, 1865.

The end of the war was also fast approaching. Though hostilities were still active, peace overtures and negotiations were in the works. Lincoln believed that the Confederates states should be permitted to reenter the Union as they were before the war: not as slaveholding but in the same practical relationship to the federal government, with representation in Congress (356). According to Meacham, Lincoln even drafted a “$400 million compensation plan for slave owners in seceded states” (357). This would be in exchange for reentering an antislavery Union. Many in the Confederacy were still very unhappy and unrelenting.

There was a plan to confiscate 400,000 acres of Southeastern Atlantic coastline and give it to formerly enslaved people; however, the order asserting this remarkable transfer of property was rescinded by Andrew Johnson, Lincoln’s successor, before it was put into effect. The question of Black suffrage was also part of an active discussion. Charles Sumner is quoted stating, “Their votes are as necessary as their muskets” (361). On February 12, 1865, Henry Highland Garnet became the first Black person to speak before Congress. Garnet was a reverend, and he addressed the justice of the 13th Amendment and the abolitionist cause. On March 3 of that year, Lincoln ratified the Freedmen’s Bureau, a government institution specifically for the sake of refugees and formerly enslaved people. This Bureau was to take a very active approach in clothing, feeding, educating, and working toward decent health care and wages for Black folks. Meacham quotes W. E. B. Du Bois in 1935 reflecting on the greatness of the Freedmen’s Bureau: “The Freedman’s Bureau was the most extraordinary and far-reaching institution of social uplift that America has ever attempted” (362).

Part 6, Chapter 26 Summary: “The Almighty Has His Own Purposes”

Meacham harkens back to the prologue by opening this chapter with Lincoln’s second inaugural address. During the vice-presidential swearing in the new vice president, Andrew Johnson, was visibly drunk, which caused a stir. Lincoln tried to downplay the problem. Lincoln’s inaugural address is another one of his most famous speeches. During this address, he had a conciliatory tone. For Meacham, Lincoln was genuinely humble in his mission and “did not assume himself or his allies to be morally superior” (367). Lincoln expressed his wish for a well-restored Union with little grievance or animosity. Meacham lengthily draws significant connections between Lincoln’s rhetoric to the Gospels and the morally virtuous movements of the Union to the Christian faith. According to Meacham, Lincoln’s goal in this speech was of “summoning the nation to see itself as a player in a divinely charged—and ultimately merciful and just—creation” (369). Lincoln’s speech was about moral action. Mecham is clearly a great admirer of this, making no attempt at objectivity here: “Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address—to sneer at his sentiments was to sneer at the possibilities of democracy” (372).

Lincoln’s speech was atypically complex and theologically idiosyncratic. The audience was quiet throughout the oration, only erupting with thunderous applause at its conclusion. Meacham then turns again to the experiences of Frederick Douglass, who had another meeting with Lincoln. The day after, Lincoln attended a service in the House of Representatives led by Methodist preacher Matthew Simpson. Simpson’s sermon showed strong support for the Union cause and the view that it was a holy affair. Lincoln openly wept on the House floor, struck by the beauty of the words and the cheering of Congress.

On March 11, 1865, Lincoln fell ill. Meanwhile, shockingly, the Confederacy was enlisting enslaved people to fight for the Confederacy under the promise that they would subsequently be granted freedom. The situation was growing dire for the Confederacy. On March 23, Lincoln went to meet with leadership from the Union army in the field. The president spent a little over two weeks there. During that time, he met with prisoners of war, wounded Union soldiers, and witnessed burials. Meacham notes that this was a time when the war took on a new tenor for Lincoln. The Union would soon capture Richmond, Virginia.

Meacham tells the story of Lincoln commanding a Colonel to tend to the needs of three unkept kittens. On April 1, 1865, two weeks before his assassination, Lincoln was delivered recently captured Confederate flags. Meacham quotes Lincoln: “‘Here is something material—something I can see, feel, and understand,’ the president said as he unfurled them. ‘This means victory. This is victory’” (381).

Part 6, Chapter 27 Summary: “Old Abe Will Come Out All Right”

On Sunday, April 2, 1865 the Union captured the Confederate capital of Richmond, Virginia. Meacham documents Southern outrage and incredulity. Many Southerners apparently believed that the impossible had happened and that God wouldn’t allow it. When Lincoln arrived in Richmond two days later, the Black population, writes Meacham, was ecstatic for their liberation. Lincoln eventually arrived at Jefferson Davis’s house. Davis had fled two days prior, and Lincoln sat down at his desk.

On April 9, General Robert E. Lee of the Confederacy bartered for terms of surrender with the Union’s General Grant. The Confederacy realized the war was lost and slavery was ended. There was a salutary and celebratory mood in Washington, DC. Lincoln tells Mary Todd not to think of the Confederates as enemies. According to Meacham, Lincoln did not want to punish the former Confederacy and worked on a plan for Reconstruction. On April 11, Lincoln gives a speech focusing on Reconstruction. Meacham includes W. E. B. Du Bois’s summarization of Lincoln’s central tenets of Reconstruction, which are ambitious and progressive. They include education for formerly enslaved people, fair pay for work regardless of race, Black suffrage, and more.

Lincoln wanted to start with a limited form of Black suffrage. He spoke of advancing the Black right to vote in steps and wanted to use Louisiana as a pilot case for the nation. Meacham ends the capture with various abolitionist and egalitarians speaking of their admiration and thankfulness for Lincoln. Then he notes that John Wilkes Booth, Lincoln’s assassin, also heard the speech. He is supposed to have said, “That is the last speech he will ever make” (393).

Part 6, Chapter 28 & Epilogue Summary: “Lincoln Was Slain; America Was Meant”

Content Warning: This section focuses on a virulently racist era of American history.

Meacham opens the final chapter reflecting on Lincoln’s dismissive indifference to the possibility of assassination as expressed in 1863. However, Lincoln is also noted for saying that there is no way to prevent an assassin from achieving their ends: “If I wore a shirt of mail, and kept myself surrounded by a bodyguard, it would be all the same” (394). April 14, 1865 was the night of Lincoln’s assassination. It was Good Friday, as well as the fourth anniversary of the Fort Sumter incident, which had precipitated the Civil War. Lincoln had a serious headache that night. Mary Todd invited Grant to come with her and Lincoln to the theater that night, but Grant declined.

Meacham then details some of the life of Lincoln’s murderer, John Wilkes Booth. Booth was born and raised in Maryland, and was only 26 at the time of his infamous decision. He had long been a Confederate sympathizer, was present at the execution of John Brown (the militant abolitionist), and had previously expressed regret that he had not assassinated Lincoln on the day of the second inauguration. In August of 1864 he dreamt up a plan to kidnap Lincoln to exchange him for Confederate prisoners of war. Booth was a theater actor whom Lincoln had probably seen on stage before.

During the day, Lincoln held a long meeting on Reconstruction. This would include discussions, according to Meacham, on fairness, both in leniency (for the South) and enfranchisement (for Black Americans), and projects for the reconstruction of infrastructure projects in the South. Meanwhile, Booth worked with co-conspirators to “decapitate” the government. The president, the vice president, and the secretary of state were all to be killed. Seward would be shot but recover. Johnson would avoid his assassination plot. Only Lincoln would be killed.

That night, while at the theater watching Our American Cousin, Lincoln was shot. Booth slashed at Lincoln’s guard and fled, jumping from the theater box to the stage. Interrupting the play, he yelled the Latin words for “death to tyrants,” and continued fleeing. Mary Todd shrieked in horror, exclaiming, “My husband’s blood, my dear husband’s blood” (402). Hiding in the Virginia countryside while fleeing pursuit, Booth writes that he did not want to kill but that he felt he had essentially done the right thing and that Lincoln had destroyed the country.

Lincoln did not die immediately. He died later that night after moaning quietly and attempting to swallow a tablespoon of brandy. His son was in shock and denial. The next morning hundreds of Black individuals congregated in front of the White House to mourn the loss of Lincoln. That morning, Andrew Johnson was sworn in as the 17th president of the United States. Meacham notes that “The news [of Lincoln’s death] was refracted through the nation’s religious prism” (407). In some cases, Lincoln was idolized as a hero and martyr. In other case, he was vilified as a sinner and minion of evil. At the Presbyterian church Lincoln had attended, his seat was draped in black to mourn his absence.

Twelve days after the assassination, on April 26, the manhunt for Booth reached an end. Booth was discovered in a barn in Virginia. Whilst trapped therein, the barn was burnt to force Booth to come out alive, but he was shot and killed anyway. Meacham notes that, in July of 1865, four of Booth’s co-conspirators were convicted and executed.

Funeral services for Lincoln were held across the North as Lincoln’s body was transferred from Washington, DC to Springfield, Illinois. Consumed with grief, Mary Todd did not attend the funeral service. Meacham concludes with quotes from various influential figures, like Frederick Douglass, reflecting on the loss of Lincoln and his importance to the country.

Meacham follows this final chapter with a brief Epilogue. In this Meacham laments the awfulness of President Johnson’s tenure in office, a time when many of Lincoln’s plans were reversed or ignored. The post-war period saw the rise of the Klu Klux Klan and the attempt of many Southern states to make life difficult for Black Americans through, for instance, Jim Crow laws. Plessy v. Ferguson instituted the racists precedent of “separate but equal” that would define much of American apartheid through the mid-20th century. In short, the moral progress of the nation halted. Meacham wants his readers to understand that the death of Lincoln was an incredible tragedy for the future of the nation. He also wants to make sure, and his book reflects, that the reader knows that Lincoln did not accomplish his goals alone, nor was he an inhumanly perfect person. That said, Meacham writes, “Lincoln was essential, and his ultimate vision of the nation—that the country should be free of slavery—was informed by a moral understanding” (419).

Part 6, Chapter 25-Epilogue Analysis

Over the course of Lincoln’s (and the war’s) last days, Meacham reveals yet another side of the president, one who is gracious and conciliatory in victory and Christlike in demeanor. Meacham writes, “He had tried to build his house, and the house of the Union, upon a rock, but that did not mean that he took any pleasure in watching the collapse of his neighbor’s house, which had been built upon sand” (367). Lincoln is seen scolding Mary Todd, for instance, for treating the Confederates as the enemy. Meacham commonly emphasizes Lincoln’s nonjudgmental nature. Lincoln is simultaneously the person who calls slavery the greatest sin against a person ever perpetrated and claims that the Confederates were not the moral inferiors of the Federals (Union members). The goal was moral reverence, not righteousness. In biblical language, Meacham writes, “the Faithful were called to remove the means by which sin was perpetuated” (367).

Throughout most of the book we see Lincoln torn by grief, depression, indecision, and frustration. Despite his moral promise, Lincoln is always human, emotional, and flawed. In these final chapters, especially post-election, Lincoln is in a different emotional place, at least as Meacham would have it. Rather than embattled and distraught, Lincoln is consistently depicted as kind, forgiving, and fundamentally oriented toward the suffering of the downtrodden. Rhetorically, Meacham may be painting this portrait of Lincoln because it makes the impact of his assassination even more painful and unjustified. As would be the case for many Union supporters after Lincoln’s demise, Meacham seems to think of Lincoln as a martyr for a just, nearly holy, cause.

Just as Meacham frames the story of Lincoln in an overt moral context, so he believes Lincoln framed America. Perhaps one of the reasons Lincoln is so revered today, so thoroughly idolized and so consistently ranked as the greatest American president, is because of his dedication to telling a moral story and to shaping the direction of the country in response to the dictates of conscience and principle. Whereas many presidents and political leaders speak to self-interest, national interest, party interest, or constituency demands, Lincoln framed his political story, especially late in life, around the idea of a progressively established moral order whose providential creation required the dedicated free action of conscientiously minded people: “To Lincoln, the nation has to be guided by conscience but also by the conviction that no one could be totally certain that they were acting with divine sanction” (395). Such, at least, seems to be Meacham’s reading of Lincoln’s greatness.

Meacham is keen to emphasize in his assessment of Civil War era documents that there was an undergirding elemental battle about foundational principles, beliefs, and guiding documents. He shows how abolitionists, Southerners, political insiders, and, of course, Lincoln, dealt with the same set of political and moral circumstances. He also, along the way, wants to assess a particular moral possibility, one that seems implicitly dedicated to the liberal principles that guided Lincoln, the Republican Party, and the abolitionists in the 19th century.

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