76 pages • 2 hours read
Jon MeachamA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Part 5 immediately opens with good news for the Union. At once they won two decisive victories. These came in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania and Vicksburg, Mississippi. Meacham notes that there were many other less famous battles that also served the Union cause. Lincoln decided to bring Ulysses S. Grant, a highly successful general in the Western theater (and future president of the country) to the Eastern theater, which was much more contentious and politically problematic.
Meacham notes the problems faced by freed Black persons and Black soldiers in the Union army. Frederick Douglass recruited Black soldiers for the Union army. Lincoln and Douglass had a personal meeting at the White House. Douglass later expressed that while his was discontented with some of the president’s opinions he was also very pleased with the man. Meacham, who has consistently included Douglass’s voice throughout the biography, writes, “Douglass decided to trust Abraham Lincoln. On this Douglass was willing to stake the lives of his sons—who were in uniform—and the lives of his people. Out of war, Douglass wagered, would come liberty” (307).
Meacham discusses Mary Todd’s mental distress in the endless wake of grief following the death of her son. She found spiritual comfort with psychics and mediums. Lincoln occasionally joined her on these visits. Meanwhile in the Tennessee Valley an enormous battle was fought at Chickamauga, which was one of the bloodiest of the war and caused immense loss of life on both sides. During these years, Lincoln did not often leave Washington, but notably he went to Gettysburg in November 1863 for the Consecration of the Soldiers’ Cemetery (310).
Meacham then describes Lincoln’s travels to Gettysburg, the congregation there, and the president’s famous (and extremely brief) address. In remembrance of the dead Union soldiers, Lincoln pronounced:
[F]rom these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion—that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain—that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom—and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth (312).
There was mixed reaction in the press to Lincoln’s speech at the time, which according to Meacham fell strictly along partisan lines (313). Meacham then outlines the stark dichotomies between Lincoln’s theology (and moral philosophy) with that of the Southern leadership.
Immediately following his Gettysburg Address Lincoln contracted smallpox and entered quarantine for several weeks. He continued to work from his bedroom. This preceded the beginnings of his 1864 presidential campaign for re-election. Meacham describes Lincoln as being somewhat embarrassed by his own ambition to be re-elected. He reportedly told Thaddeus Stevens, the colorful abolitionist radical, that he believed he was best suited to continue to lead the Union through its current peril. Lincoln was taken with the idea, according to Meacham, that providence played a part in this calling.
In Meacham’s view, the case against Lincoln in 1864 could be mounted by all sorts of constituencies, many of whom were disillusioned with Lincoln for opposing reason. The last several presidents had all failed to win re-election. For Meacham, “[t]he very fact of the 1864 election was notable” (318). Since the country was engaged in a protracted civil war, it was by no means obvious that an election would occur. This was a testament to the Union’s dedication to democracy. Lincoln believed another election was absolutely imperative.
At the end of 1863 Lincoln proposed a Reconstruction plan for post-war reconciliation, though the war was ongoing. In March of 1864 he showed support for “limited Black suffrage” (321). At the same time, he made Grant the ranking general of the war. Some of his Republican colleagues who thought that Lincoln had been too moderate in his presidency, moved to get someone else nominated for the 1864 election. The “Radical Democracy” party was formed, and included such members as Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Frederick Douglass. They nominated John Fremont, who, as a Union general, had attempted to free enslaved people in Missouri.
A Confederate member of Mary Todd’s family visited the White House, having lost three brothers to the war. Meacham describes a moment when everyone bonded in grief. Lincoln seems to have been morbid during this era, thinking frequently of his own death, as well as the death of those surrounding him. Throughout the middle of 1864, Lincoln’s Union army, under the command of Ulysses S. Grant and William Sherman, launched an extraordinarily aggressive campaign that extended to the deep South. They made progress, but it was slow, and there was great loss of life.
Lincoln was unanimously declared the Republican candidate for president in 1864. Meacham notes that Republicans were interested in the development of the transcontinental railroad and a welcoming immigration policy. According to Meacham, because of the proclamation, “[t]he Lincoln who went before the voters in 1864, therefore, was unambiguously linked with, and in favor of the immediate, uncompensated, and permanent abolition of slavery” (327).
The question of the vice-presidential ticket was a large one for Lincoln. The convention determined that it would be best to nominate a Democrat (for the sake of Lincoln’s general electability) and nominated Andrew Johnson. Johnson was a virulent racist but served as an overture to the general public. In Meacham’s view, this was a disastrous decision. McClellan ran as Lincoln’s Democratic opponent. He was proslavery and pro-Union.
One Confederate army fought very close to the Capitol building at Fort Stevens. Lincoln reportedly witnessed the fighting firsthand. The country was growing very tired of the war. In July of 1864 Lincoln ordered 500,000 more Union troops. As Meacham writes, “There was only one way to end war weariness, and that was to win the war” (331). As late as August 1864 Lincoln expressed strong doubts concerning his re-election. He met with Frederick Douglass in the White House again. He claims that he would stand on his record and his principles and let the voters decide.
In September 1864, Sherman declared that the Union had taken Atlanta, Georgia, a major Southern hub. Sheridan led another important Union victory at Shenandoah Valley in Virginia. John Fremont of the Radical Democracy Party dropped out of the race, so that there were only two candidates in the race: the antislavery incumbent and the proslavery general.
Lincoln spoke in favor of a new (abolitionist) state constitution in Maryland. Lincoln met with Sojourner Truth, the Black abolitionist leader. Meacham reports her conversation with Lincoln in which the president humbly declines the high praise she gives him. Meanwhile the contentious election heated up. Both Republicans and Democrats feared that the opposition party would not yield to the election results or take the proper, Constitutional action in the transfer of power. Lincoln worked to ensure that Union soldiers on the battlefield would have the opportunity to vote. John Bright, the English politician for whom Lincoln held great admiration, expressed his support for Lincoln’s campaign in a letter to the New York Tribune.
In the end Lincoln was re-elected by a wide margin, carrying 55% of the electorate. McClellan only carried three states in the Union. That November, Lincoln philosophizes as to whether government could be big and powerful enough to adequately ensure people’s liberties whilst not becoming too big or powerful, quashing them in the process. There was sentiment after the election that the Union had achieved something previously unheard of: the successful enactment of a democratic election during a civil war. Personally, though, Lincoln was in a dark mood. He experienced an affecting illusion from the reflection of a glass; it made half of his face pale and wan. He and Mary Todd both took it as an omen of impending death.
The chapter ends as Lincoln dedicates himself to the creation and enactment of the 13th Amendment, which would make the Constitution explicitly antislavery.
Part 5 is another brief section. It focuses on Lincoln’s reelection but also on the personal strife in the final year of his life. Comparatively, Part 5 offers hope. It shows the Union (and Lincoln) on the upswing from the doldrums of 1863. Still, the details of the story are so inherently tragic that there is little Meacham can do to tell a clean comeback story. The end of the book will bring the end of the Civil War, an historic victory for a just cause. At the same time, it will spell the death of this biography’s protagonist, Abraham Lincoln, at the hands of a violent reactionary. Knowing that most of his audience will already be aware of this ending, Meacham plays on the dual sense of the light at the end of the tunnel: the hope that motivates the end of a dark and tragic era but also the impending, inevitable approach of death.
Over the course of the book, Meacham follows Lincoln in slowly clarifying the basic moral universe that Lincoln occupied. For Meacham, Lincoln’s greatness doesn’t seem to come from the power of his mind or the perfection of his soul, but rather the singular, focused dedication to moral principle. “His achievement is remarkable not because he was otherworldly, or saintly, or savior-like,” Meacham writes, “but because he was what he was—an imperfect man seeking to bring a more perfect Union into being” (349). Despite Meacham’s unquestionable admiration for Lincoln, he has no interest in treating him as a mythical hero. He is, instead, an example. His humanity is exactly why Meacham believes a contemporary biography is useful. Meacham believes we need to see an admirable individual who can usefully be emulated, not a proto-deity who functions as a saint of the Political Religion of the United States. At the time of writing (2022), Meacham thought that the United States was under pressure to topple its own democratic history under the authoritarian pressures of President Donald Trump. For Meacham, Lincoln reveals the possibility of a leader who had amassed power but was not tempted by self-interest or tyranny. Despite his flaws, he shows us, so Meacham believes, how to stay true to the pursuit of democracy and its principles.
Lincoln’s basic proclivity, so far as Meacham is concerned, is the following: “fusing the scripture of old with the scripture of America and interpreting the results by the light of conscience (314). In Lincoln, the basic principles of Christianity, the Declaration of Independence, and the call of his own conscience became interrelated components of a simple but profound morality founded on justice for all men. Justice meant liberty and equality; Liberty and equality meant, at the least, the maintenance of democratic establishments and the abolition of slavery.
In this basic orientation, Lincoln combines three of the basic attributes historically attributed to American ideology: Protestant Christianity (Lincoln’s attendance at a Presbyterian church), Classical Liberalism (his dedication to liberty and equality as universal moral principles) and a Romantic notion of individualism (his affinity for Emerson’s transcendentalism and his consistent concern with the dictates of his own conscience). In the singular character of a person like Lincoln, Meacham wants his reader to see something of the American soul generally. This might be an impossible task for any one person, especially for a nation with such a diverse heritage. However, Lincoln does serve as a useful prism for reflection on the state of 19th century philosophy, theology, and late-Enlightenment era rationality. There is plenty of reason, in short, why so many people of various persuasions have latched on to Lincoln as a symbol of America’s greatness.
By Jon Meacham