53 pages • 1 hour read
Michael McGerrA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Individual humans and individualism as an ideology were both of great concern to progressive reformers at the turn-of-the-20th century, and McGerr explores progressives’ quest to define the nature of the individual within the parameters of middle-class progressive values, and to formulate a model for individuals’ relationship to society.
The upper class doctrine of individualism, which glorified the power of the individual to determine their situation in life, accumulate great wealth, and lift up the economy, was repugnant to Progressives. Many members of the upper class believed that the poor suffered from some kind of deficit in character or personality that explained their suffering. They refused to recognize that external conditions—like an unfair economic system, various prejudices, or low wages—dramatically affected an individual’s potential to rise up in society and change their situation in life.
This glorification of individualism—the love of freedom, free industry, and unfettered opportunity—was the foundation of American society. Progressives took issue with this glorification of individualism; they felt that many people selfishly pursued their own interests in a manner that was detrimental to society. If individual Americans pursued their own interests instead of the interests of society, then progressives’ logical conclusion was that society needed to assert more control over individual values and behaviors. Progressive reform efforts repeatedly focused on compelling individuals from all classes and races to act in the interest of a society that, conveniently, increasingly reflected middle-class progressive values.
McGerr makes it clear that progressive attempts to control individual values and behavior were controversial. As the American people responded to attempts to eradicate individualism, it became evident that trying to remake and regulate individuals was not an easy process. Moreover, the more progressives attempted to regulate individuals, the more questions about the nature of the individual arose. The crises and subsequent rebellion of Americans like Sherwood Anderson and Frank Lloyd Wright raised the questions of whether the government can or should control an individual’s internal, private life—what a person thinks about, feels, believe, and values. Reactions to Jim Crow law and segregation raised concerns about the extent to which the government should be able to dictate what public spaces a person could occupy and how they should behave in those spaces. The pursuit of commercial pleasures caused concern about the extent to which the government should be allowed to regulate how people spent their leisure time and on what they spent their money. Progressives’ efforts to fit all individuals into the middle-class mold they created did not simplify social life or change people from within; instead, it further complicated Americans’ understanding of their right to individual identity and their individual responsibility to society.
At the end of the Progressive Era, Americans ultimately rejected the progressive idea that individualism was evil. McGerr suggests that understandings of the nature of the individual and its relation to society evolved during the Progressive Era, despite progressives’ attempts to cast any form of individualism—and there were many—as harmful. After World War I, many Republicans argued that individual Americans felt a strong sense of personal responsibility. Individualism came to include the virtue of being a good American—an attribute of individualism that progressives could not see as being possible.
The progressive attempt to remake individuals and the American people’s response show how traditions and ideologies can change or evolve. When referring to individualism, it is important to consider questions neglected by progressives: Which individualism? Which individuals?
A second key theme that McGerr explores is the progressive reformers’ crusade to define the proper roles of men, women, and the family in a way that fit with the new progressive values. Both outside of their class and within their class, middle-class progressives demonstrated concern for changes in gender roles, gender relations, and family dynamics. Preserving domesticity was one of the foremost concerns of progressive reformers; in order to preserve the home, reformers felt they needed to regulate the various ways that the classes viewed and approached gender roles, childhood, and family life. In order to do this, progressives crusaded against vices that threatened to break up homes and families: divorce, prostitution, drinking alcohol, saloons, lax monitoring of children and adolescents, feminism and contraception, and others. As progressives saw it, removing temptations to find pleasure, satisfaction, and happiness outside of one’s home and one’s family might be just the thing that would save the picture of domesticity that the middle class sought for all of society.
Progressive reformers’ very public condemnation of certain vices they believed threatened their version of domestic life raised questions about the extent to which people’s private lives should be the business of other people. In other words, progressive reformers made domestic life, previously considered a private sphere, a matter of public concern. Moreover, their attempts to set parameters for how all men, women, children, and families should behave completely disregarded a truth that progressives heartily acknowledged in other areas of reform: The environment in which they live dramatically shape people’s values and behaviors. Unless the different classes in society were totally annihilated, it was highly unlikely that working class men would resemble big businessmen from the upper ten, or that farming children would resemble the sons of the upper ten sent away for a boarding school education.
What McGerr makes apparent in his exploration of this theme of progressivism is that the progressives wanted all men, women, children, and families in American society to resemble the middle class. Progressives’ approaches to addressing the issue of domesticity often exposed the ways in which they were willing, at times, to set aside their tightly held progressive values to act in the interest of their own class.
A third theme that McGerr explores is progressive reformers’ desire to regulate the place of work and pleasure in the lives of individuals and in broader society. The Victorians of the mid-19th century valued hard work, self-discipline, and limited leisure—practices they believed enabled individual freedom. By the end of the 19th century, the exorbitantly wealthy members of the upper ten, however, did not need to work, save, and deny themselves pleasures in order to have individual freedoms. Possessing everything they needed and more, the upper ten believed that life should be about the pursuit of pleasure and wealth.
A life of pleasure was not possible for the working class. Work was the center of their lives, and pleasure was a means of releasing the stress and frustration of poverty and relentless laboring that plagued them day in and day out. Many working-class men and women, especially those who did not have families to support, recognized that saving up their meager wages would never afford them enough money to move up from the laboring class. Knowing this, some members of the working class spent what little extra money they had on flashy clothing, public drinking, and prostitutes.
As the Progressive Era continued, a new culture of commercial pleasures emerged that was largely affordable to all classes of Americans. Progressives worked hard to pass reforms that gave the working-class better wages and shorter workdays, so leisure time was a new institution experienced by many Americans. The new culture of commercial pleasures, though, was profoundly disruptive to the order that progressives felt they successfully brought to society. McGerr states: “The spread of enjoyment broke down segregating barriers, reshaped personal identity, and exalted individualism” (676). All of these changes undermined progressives’ hard work and were in direct conflict with their values.
McGerr says, “The progressives departed farthest from Victorianism in their reconsideration of individualism and domesticity; they remained closest to home in their view of pleasure” (679). It is not surprising, then, that the changing state of work and pleasure was the issue that ultimately turned them into radicals (57). From the progressives’ perspective, the new culture of pleasure was the biggest threat to the work they had done to change society.